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Henry Kissinger

"Kissinger" redirects here. For other uses, see Kissinger (disambiguation).

Henry Alfred KissingerKCMG (; German: ; born Heinz Alfred Kissinger; May 27, 1923) is an American politician, diplomat, and geopolitical consultant who served as United States Secretary of State and National Security Advisor under the presidential administrations of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. A Jewish refugee who fled Nazi Germany with his family in 1938, he became National Security Advisor in 1969 and U.S. Secretary of State in 1973. For his actions negotiating a ceasefire in Vietnam, Kissinger received the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize under controversial circumstances, with two members of the committee resigning in protest.

Henry Kissinger
Kissinger at the Metropolitan Opera in 2009
56th United States Secretary of State
In office
September 22, 1973 – January 20, 1977
PresidentRichard Nixon
Gerald Ford
DeputyKenneth Rush
Robert Ingersoll
Charles Robinson
Preceded byWilliam Rogers
Succeeded byCyrus Vance
8th United States National Security Advisor
In office
January 20, 1969 – November 3, 1975
PresidentRichard Nixon
Gerald Ford
DeputyRichard Allen
Alexander Haig
Brent Scowcroft
Preceded byWalt Rostow
Succeeded byBrent Scowcroft
Further offices held
22nd Chancellor of the College of William & Mary
In office
July 1, 2000 – October 1, 2005
PresidentTimothy J. Sullivan
Gene Nichol
Preceded byMargaret Thatcher
Succeeded bySandra Day O'Connor
Chair of the 9/11 Commission
In office
November 27, 2002 – December 14, 2002
PresidentGeorge W. Bush
DeputyGeorge J. Mitchell
Lee H. Hamilton
Preceded byPosition established
Succeeded byThomas Kean
Personal details
Born
Heinz Alfred Kissinger

(1923-05-27)May 27, 1923 (age 98)
Fürth, Bavaria, Weimar Republic (now Germany)
Political partyRepublican
Spouse(s)
Ann Fleischer
(m. 1949; div. 1964)​

(m. 1974)​
Children2
EducationCity College of New York
Harvard University
(AB, 1950; AM, 1951; PhD, 1954)
Civilian awardsNobel Peace Prize
Signature
Military service
AllegianceUnited States
Branch/service U.S. Army
Years of service1943–1946
Rank Sergeant
Unit84th Infantry Division
970th Counter Intelligence Corps Detachment[citation needed]
Battles/warsWorld War II
Military awards Bronze Star

A practitioner of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a prominent role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. During this period, he pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, orchestrated the opening of relations with China, engaged in what became known as shuttle diplomacy in the Middle East to end the Yom Kippur War, and negotiated the Paris Peace Accords, ending American involvement in the Vietnam War. Kissinger has also been associated with such controversial policies as U.S. involvement in the 1973 Chilean military coup, a "green light" to Argentina's military junta for their Dirty War, and U.S. support for Pakistan during the Bangladesh War despite the genocide being perpetrated by his allies. After leaving government, he formed Kissinger Associates, an international geopolitical consulting firm. Kissinger has written over a dozen books on diplomatic history and international relations.

Kissinger remains a controversial and polarizing figure in U.S. politics, both condemned as an alleged war criminal by many journalists, political activists, and human rights lawyers, and venerated as a highly effective U.S. Secretary of State by many prominent international relations scholars. With the death of centenarian George Shultz in February 2021, Kissinger is the oldest living former U.S. Cabinet member and the last surviving member of Nixon's Cabinet.

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Kissinger was born Heinz Alfred Kissinger in Fürth, Bavaria, Germany, in 1923 to a German-Jewish family. His father Louis Kissinger (1887–1982) was a schoolteacher. His mother Paula (Stern) Kissinger (1901–1998), from Leutershausen, was a homemaker. His brother, Walter Kissinger, born in 1924, died in 2021 at 96. The surname Kissinger was adopted in 1817 by his great-great-grandfather Meyer Löb, after the Bavarian spa town of Bad Kissingen. In his youth, Kissinger enjoyed playing soccer. He played for the youth team of SpVgg Fürth, which was one of the nation's best clubs at the time.

In 1938, when Kissinger was 15 years old, he and his family fled Germany as a result of Nazi persecution. During Nazi rule Kissinger and his friends were regularly harassed and beaten by Hitler Youth gangs. Kissinger sometimes defied the segregation imposed by Nazi racial laws by sneaking into soccer stadiums to watch matches, often resulting in beatings from security guards. As a result of the Nazis' anti-Semitic laws Kissinger was unable to gain admittance to the Gymnasium, while his father was dismissed from his teaching job. The family briefly emigrated to London before arriving in New York City on September 5. Kissinger later downplayed the influence his experiences of Nazi persecution had on his policies, writing "Germany of my youth had a great deal of order and very little justice; it was not the sort of place likely to inspire devotion to order in the abstract." However many scholars, including Kissinger's biographer Walter Isaacson, have disagreed and argued that his experiences influenced the formation of his realist approach to foreign policy.

Kissinger spent his high school years in the Washington Heights section of Upper Manhattan as part of the German Jewish immigrant community that resided there at the time. Although Kissinger assimilated quickly into American culture, he never lost his pronounced German accent, due to childhood shyness that made him hesitant to speak. After his first year at George Washington High School, he began attending school at night and worked in a shaving brush factory during the day.

Following high school, Kissinger enrolled in the City College of New York, studying accounting. He excelled academically as a part-time student, continuing to work while enrolled. His studies were interrupted in early 1943, when he was drafted into the US Army.

Kissinger underwent basic training at Camp Croft in Spartanburg, South Carolina. On June 19, 1943, while stationed in South Carolina, at the age of 20 years, he became a naturalized U.S. citizen. The army sent him to study engineering at Lafayette College, Pennsylvania, but the program was canceled, and Kissinger was reassigned to the 84th Infantry Division. There, he made the acquaintance of Fritz Kraemer, a fellow immigrant from Germany who noted Kissinger's fluency in German and his intellect, and arranged for him to be assigned to the military intelligence section of the division. Kissinger saw combat with the division, and volunteered for hazardous intelligence duties during the Battle of the Bulge.

During the American advance into Germany, Kissinger, only a private, was put in charge of the administration of the city of Krefeld, owing to a lack of German speakers on the division's intelligence staff. Within eight days he had established a civilian administration. Kissinger was then reassigned to the Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC), where he became a CIC Special Agent holding the enlisted rank of sergeant. He was given charge of a team in Hanover assigned to tracking down Gestapo officers and other saboteurs, for which he was awarded the Bronze Star. In June 1945, Kissinger was made commandant of the Bensheim metro CIC detachment, Bergstrasse district of Hesse, with responsibility for de-Nazification of the district. Although he possessed absolute authority and powers of arrest, Kissinger took care to avoid abuses against the local population by his command.

In 1946, Kissinger was reassigned to teach at the European Command Intelligence School at Camp King and, as a civilian employee following his separation from the army, continued to serve in this role.

Portrait of Kissinger as a Harvard senior in 1950

Henry Kissinger received his AB degree summa cum laude, Phi Beta Kappa in political science from Harvard College in 1950, where he lived in Adams House and studied under William Yandell Elliott. His senior undergraduate thesis, titled The Meaning of History: Reflections on Spengler, Toynbee and Kant, was over 400 pages long, and was the origin of the current limit on length (35,000 words). He received his MA and PhD degrees at Harvard University in 1951 and 1954, respectively. In 1952, while still a graduate student at Harvard, he served as a consultant to the director of the Psychological Strategy Board.

His doctoral dissertation was titled Peace, Legitimacy, and the Equilibrium (A Study of the Statesmanship of Castlereagh and Metternich). In his PhD dissertation, Kissinger first introduced the concept of "legitimacy", which he defined as: "Legitimacy as used here should not be confused with justice. It means no more than an international agreement about the nature of workable arrangements and about the permissible aims and methods of foreign policy". An international order accepted by all of the major powers is "legitimate" whereas an international order not accepted by one or more of the great powers is "revolutionary" and hence dangerous. Thus, when after the Congress of Vienna in 1815, the leaders of Britain, France, Austria, Prussia, and Russia agreed to co-operate in the Concert of Europe to preserve the peace, in Kissinger's viewpoint this international system was "legitimate" because it was accepted by the leaders of all five of the Great Powers of Europe. Notably, Kissinger's primat der aussenpolitik approach to diplomacy took it for granted that as long as the decision-makers in the major states were willing to accept the international order, then it is "legitimate" with questions of public opinion and morality dismissed as irrelevant.

Kissinger remained at Harvard as a member of the faculty in the Department of Government where he served as the director of the Harvard International Seminar between 1951 and 1971. In 1955, he was a consultant to the National Security Council's Operations Coordinating Board. During 1955 and 1956, he was also study director in nuclear weapons and foreign policy at the Council on Foreign Relations. He released his book Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy the following year. The book, which criticized the Eisenhower Administration's "massive retaliation" nuclear doctrine, caused much controversy at the time by proposing the use of tactical nuclear weapons on a regular basis to win wars.

From 1956 to 1958 he worked for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund as director of its Special Studies Project. He served as the director of the Harvard Defense Studies Program between 1958 and 1971. In 1958, he also co-founded the Center for International Affairs with Robert R. Bowie where he served as its associate director. Outside of academia, he served as a consultant to several government agencies and think tanks, including the Operations Research Office, the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Department of State, and the RAND Corporation.

Keen to have a greater influence on U.S. foreign policy, Kissinger became foreign policy advisor to the presidential campaigns of Nelson Rockefeller, supporting his bids for the Republican nomination in 1960, 1964, and 1968. Kissinger first met Richard Nixon at a party hosted by Clare Booth Luce in 1967, saying that he found him more "thoughtful" than he expected. During the Republican primaries in 1968, Kissinger again served as the foreign policy adviser to Rockefeller and in July 1968 called Nixon "the most dangerous of all the men running to have as president". Initially upset when Nixon won the Republican nomination, the ambitious Kissinger soon changed his mind about Nixon and contacted a Nixon campaign aide, Richard Allen, to state he was willing to do anything to help Nixon win. After Nixon became president in January 1969, Kissinger was appointed as National Security Advisor.

Kissinger being sworn in as Secretary of State by Chief Justice Warren Burger, September 22, 1973. Kissinger's mother, Paula, holds the Bible as President Nixon looks on.

Kissinger served as National Security Advisor and Secretary of State under President Richard Nixon, and continued as Secretary of State under Nixon's successor Gerald Ford. With the death of George Shultz in February 2021, Kissinger is the last surviving member of the Nixon administration Cabinet.

The relationship between Nixon and Kissinger was unusually close, and has been compared to the relationships of Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House, or Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry Hopkins. In all three cases, the State Department was relegated to a backseat role in developing foreign policy. Kissinger and Nixon shared a penchant for secrecy and conducted numerous "backchannel" negotiations, such as that through the Soviet Ambassador to the United States, Anatoly Dobrynin, that excluded State Department experts. Historian David Rothkopf has looked at the personalities of Nixon and Kissinger:

They were a fascinating pair. In a way, they complemented each other perfectly. Kissinger was the charming and worldly Mr. Outside who provided the grace and intellectual-establishment respectability that Nixon lacked, disdained and aspired to. Kissinger was an international citizen. Nixon very much a classic American. Kissinger had a worldview and a facility for adjusting it to meet the times, Nixon had pragmatism and a strategic vision that provided the foundations for their policies. Kissinger would, of course, say that he was not political like Nixon—but in fact he was just as political as Nixon, just as calculating, just as relentlessly ambitious .... these self-made men were driven as much by their need for approval and their neuroses as by their strengths.

A proponent of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a dominant role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. In that period, he extended the policy of détente. This policy led to a significant relaxation in US–Soviet tensions and played a crucial role in 1971 talks with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai. The talks concluded with a rapprochement between the United States and China, and the formation of a new strategic anti-Soviet Sino-American alignment. He was jointly awarded the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize with Lê Đức Thọ for helping to establish a ceasefire and U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam. The ceasefire, however, was not durable. Thọ declined to accept the award and Kissinger appeared deeply ambivalent about it - he donated his prize money to charity, did not attend the award ceremony, and later offered to return his prize medal.[40] As National Security Advisor, in 1974 Kissinger directed the much-debated National Security Study Memorandum 200.

Détente and the opening to China

See also: On China
Kissinger, shown here with Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong, negotiated rapprochement with China.

Kissinger initially had little interest in China when he began his work as National Security Adviser in 1969, and the driving force being the rapprochement with China was Nixon. When Chiang Ching-kuo arrived in Washington in April 1970 for a visit, both Nixon and Kissinger promised him that they would never abandon Taiwan or make any compromises with Mao Zedong, although Nixon did speak vaguely of his wish to improve relations with the People's Republic.

Kissinger made two trips to China in July and October 1971 (the first of which was made in secret) to confer with Premier Zhou Enlai, then in charge of Chinese foreign policy. During his visit to Beijing, the main issue turned out to be Taiwan, as Zhou demanded the United States recognize that Taiwan was a legitimate part of China, pull U.S. forces out of Taiwan, and end military support for the Kuomintang regime. Kissinger gave way by promising to pull U.S. forces out of Taiwan, saying two-thirds would be pulled out when the Vietnam war ended and the rest to be pulled out as Sino-American relations improved.

In October 1971, as Kissinger was making his second trip to the People's Republic, the issue of which Chinese government deserved to be represented in the United Nations came up again. Out of concern to not be seen abandoning an ally, the United States tried to promote a compromise under which both Chinese regimes would be UN members, although Kissinger called it "an essentially doomed rearguard action". While American ambassador to the UN George H. W. Bush was lobbying for the "two Chinas" formula, Kissinger was removing favorable references to Taiwan from a speech that Rogers was preparing, as he expected China to be expelled from the UN. During his second visit to Beijing, Kissinger told Zhou that according to a public opinion poll 62% of Americans wanted Taiwan to remain a UN member, and asked him to consider the "two Chinas" compromise to avoid offending American public opinion. Zhou responded with his claim that the People's Republic was the legitimate government of all China and no compromise was possible with the Taiwan issue. Kissinger said that the United States could not totally sever ties with Chiang, who had been an ally in World War II. Kissinger told Nixon that Bush was "too soft and not sophisticated" enough to properly represent the United States at the UN, and expressed no anger when the UN General Assembly voted to expel Taiwan and give China's seat on the UN Security Council to the People's Republic.

His trips paved the way for the groundbreaking 1972 summit between Nixon, Zhou, and Communist Party of China Chairman Mao Zedong, as well as the formalization of relations between the two countries, ending 23 years of diplomatic isolation and mutual hostility. The result was the formation of a tacit strategic anti-Soviet alliance between China and the United States. Kissinger's diplomacy led to economic and cultural exchanges between the two sides and the establishment of "liaison offices" in the Chinese and American capitals, though full normalization of relations with China would not occur until 1979.

Vietnam War

Kissinger and President Richard Nixon discussing the Vietnam situation in Camp David, 1972.

Kissinger's involvement in Indochina started prior to his appointment as National Security Adviser to Nixon. While still at Harvard, he had worked as a consultant on foreign policy to both the White House and State Department. In a 1967 peace initiative, he would mediate between Washington and Hanoi.

When he came into office in 1969, Kissinger favored a negotiating strategy under which the United States and North Vietnam would sign an armistice and agreed to pull their troops out of South Vietnam while the South Vietnamese government and the Viet Cong were to agree to a coalition government. Kissinger had doubts about Nixon's theory of "linkage", believing that this would give the Soviet Union leverage over the United States and unlike Nixon was less concerned about the ultimate fate of South Vietnam. Though Kissinger did not regard South Vietnam as important in its own right, he believed it was necessary to support South Vietnam to maintain the United States as a global power, believing that none of America's allies would trust the United States if South Vietnam were abandoned too quickly.

In early 1969, Kissinger was opposed to the plans for Operation Menu, the bombing of Cambodia, fearing that Nixon was acting rashly with no plans for the diplomatic fall-out, but on March 16, 1969. Nixon announced the bombing would start the next day. As he saw the president was committed, he became more and more supportive. Kissinger would play a key role in bombing Cambodia to disrupt raids into South Vietnam from Cambodia, as well as the 1970 Cambodian Incursion and subsequent widespread bombing of Khmer Rouge targets in Cambodia.

The Paris peace talks had become stalemated by late 1969 owing to the obstructionism of the South Vietnamese delegation. The South Vietnamese President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu did not want the United States to withdraw from Vietnam, and out of frustration with him, Kissinger decided to begin secret peace talks with Thọ in Paris parallel to the official talks that the South Vietnamese were unaware of.

In June 1971, Kissinger supported Nixon's effort to ban the Pentagon Papers saying the "hemorrhage of state secrets" to the media was making diplomacy impossible.

On August 1, 1972, Kissinger met Thọ again in Paris, and for first time, he seemed willing to compromise, saying that political and military terms of an armistice could be treated separately and hinted that his government was no longer willing to make the overthrow of Thiệu a precondition.

On the evening of October 8, 1972, at a secret meeting of Kissinger and Thọ in Paris came the decisive breakthrough in the talks. Thọ began with "a very realistic and very simple proposal" for a ceasefire that would see the Americans pull all their forces out of Vietnam in exchange for the release of all the POWs in North Vietnam. Kissinger accepted Thọ's offer as the best deal possible, saying that the "mutual withdrawal formula" had to be abandoned as it been "unobtainable through ten years of war ... We could not make it a condition for a final settlement. We had long passed that threshold".

In the fall of 1972, both Kissinger and Nixon were frustrated with Thiệu's refusal to accept any sort of peace deal calling for withdrawal of American forces. On October 21 Kissinger and the American ambassador Ellsworth Bunker arrived in Saigon to show Thiệu the peace agreement. Thiệu refused to sign the peace agreement and demanded very extensive amendments that Kissinger reported to Nixon "verge on insanity".

Though Nixon had initially supported Kissinger against Thiệu, H.R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman urged him to reconsider, arguing that Thiệu's objections had merit. Nixon wanted 69 amendments to the draft peace agreement included in the final treaty, and ordered Kissinger back to Paris to force Thọ to accept them. Kissinger regarded Nixon's 69 amendments as "preposterous" as he knew Thọ would never accept them. As expected, Thọ refused to consider any of the 69 amendments, and on December 13, 1972, left Paris for Hanoi. Kissinger by this stage was worked up into a state of fury after Thọ walked out of the Paris talks and told Nixon: "They're just a bunch of shits. Tawdry, filthy shits".

On January 8, 1973, Kissinger and Thọ met again in Paris and the next day reached an agreement, which in main points was essentially the same as the one Nixon had rejected in October with only cosmetic concessions to the Americans. Thiệu once again rejected the peace agreement, only to receive an ultimatum from Nixon which caused Thiệu to reluctantly accept the peace agreement. On January 27, 1973, Kissinger and Thọ signed a peace agreement that called for the complete withdrawal of all U.S forces from Vietnam by March in exchange for North Vietnam freeing all the U.S POWs.

Along with Thọ, Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on December 10, 1973, for their work in negotiating the ceasefires contained in the Paris Peace Accords on "Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam", signed the previous January. According to Irwin Abrams, this prize was the most controversial to date. For the first time in the history of the Peace Prize, two members left the Nobel Committee in protest. Thọ rejected the award, telling Kissinger that peace had not been restored in South Vietnam. Kissinger wrote to the Nobel Committee that he accepted the award "with humility," and "donated the entire proceeds to the children of American servicemembers killed or missing in action in Indochina." After the Fall of Saigon in 1975, Kissinger attempted to return the award.

By the summer of 1974, the U.S. embassy reported that morale in the ARVN had fallen to dangerously low levels and it was uncertain how much longer South Vietnam would last. In August 1974, Congress passed a bill limiting American aid to South Vietnam to $700 million annually. By November 1974, Kissinger lobbied Brezhnev to end Soviet military aid to North Vietnam. The same month, he also lobbied Mao and Zhou to end Chinese military aid to North Vietnam. On April 15, 1975, Kissinger testified before the Senate Appropriations Committee, urging Congress to increase the military aid budget to South Vietnam by another $700 million to save the ARVN as the PAVN was rapidly advancing on Saigon, which was refused. Kissinger maintained at the time, and still maintains, that if only Congress had approved of his request for another $700 million South Vietnam would have been saved.

Bangladesh Liberation War

Kissinger in the West Wing as National Security Adviser

Nixon supported Pakistan's strongman, General Yahya Khan, in the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. Kissinger sneered at people who "bleed" for "the dying Bengalis" and ignored the first telegram from the United States consul general in East Pakistan, Archer K. Blood, and 20 members of his staff, which informed the US that their allies West Pakistan were undertaking, in Blood's words, "a selective genocide" targeting the Bengali intelligentsia, supporters of independence for East Pakistan, and the Hindu minority. In the second, more famous, Blood Telegram the word genocide was again used to describe the events, and further that with its continuing support for West Pakistan the US government had "evidenced [...] moral bankruptcy". As a direct response to the dissent against US policy Kissinger and Nixon ended Archer Blood's tenure as United States consul general in East Pakistan and put him to work in the State Department's Personnel Office. Christopher Clary argues that Nixon and Kissinger were unconsciously biased, leading them to overestimate the likelihood of Pakistani victory against Bengali rebels.

Kissinger was particularly concerned about the expansion of Soviet influence in the Indian Subcontinent as a result of a treaty of friendship recently signed by India and the USSR, and sought to demonstrate to the People's Republic of China (Pakistan's ally and an enemy of both India and the USSR) the value of a tacit alliance with the United States.

Kissinger had also come under fire for private comments he made to Nixon during the Bangladesh–Pakistan War in which he described Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as a "bitch" and a "witch". He also said "The Indians are bastards", shortly before the war. Kissinger has since expressed his regret over the comments.

Europe

As National Security Adviser under Nixon, Kissinger pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, seeking a relaxation in tensions between the two superpowers. As a part of this strategy, he negotiated the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (culminating in the SALT I treaty) and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party. Negotiations about strategic disarmament were originally supposed to start under the Johnson Administration but were postponed in protest upon the invasion by Warsaw Pact troops of Czechoslovakia in August 1968.

Nixon felt his administration had neglected relations with the Western European states in his first term and in September 1972 decided that if he was reelected that 1973 would be the "Year of Europe" as the United States would focus on relations with the states of the European Economic Community (EEC) which had emerged as a serious economic rival by 1970. Applying his favorite "linkage" concept, Nixon intended henceforward economic relations with Europe would not be severed from security relations, and if the EEC states wanted changes in American tariff and monetary policies, the price would be defense spending on their part. Kissinger in particular as part of the "Year of Europe" wanted to "revitalize" NATO, which he called a "decaying" alliance as he believed that there was nothing at present to stop the Red Army from overrunning Western Europe in a conventional forces conflict. The "linkage" concept more applied to the question of security as Kissinger noted that the United States was going to sacrifice NATO for the sake of "citrus fruits".

Israeli policy and Soviet Jewry

Kissinger sits in the Oval Office with President Nixon and Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir, 1973

According to notes taken by H.R. Haldeman, Nixon "ordered his aides to exclude all Jewish-Americans from policy-making on Israel", including Kissinger. One note quotes Nixon as saying "get K. [Kissinger] out of the play—Haig handle it".

In 1973, Kissinger did not feel that pressing the Soviet Union concerning the plight of Jews being persecuted there was in the interest of U.S. foreign policy. In conversation with Nixon shortly after a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir on March 1, 1973, Kissinger stated, "The emigration of Jews from the Soviet Union is not an objective of American foreign policy, and if they put Jews into gas chambers in the Soviet Union, it is not an American concern. Maybe a humanitarian concern."

The Arab-Israeli dispute

Main article: Yom Kippur War

In September 1973, Nixon fired Rogers as Secretary of State and replaced him with Kissinger. He would later state he had not been given enough time to know the Middle East as he settled into the State Department. Kissinger later admitted that he was so engrossed with the Paris peace talks to end the Vietnam war that he and others in Washington missed the significance of the Egyptian-Saudi alliance. Sadat expected as a reward that the United States would respond by pressuring Israel to return the Sinai to Egypt, but after receiving no response from the United States, by November 1972 Sadat moved again closer to the Soviet Union, buying a massive amount of Soviet arms for a war he planned to launch against Israel in 1973.

Kissinger delayed telling President Richard Nixon about the start of the Yom Kippur War in 1973 to keep him from interfering. On October 6, 1973, the Israelis informed Kissinger about the attack at 6 am; Kissinger waited nearly 3 and a half hours before he informed Nixon. According to Kissinger, he was notified at 6:30 a.m. (12:30 pm. Israel time) that war was imminent, and his urgent calls to the Soviets and Egyptians were ineffective. On October 12, under Nixon's direction, and against Kissinger's initial advice, while Kissinger was on his way to Moscow to discuss conditions for a cease-fire, Nixon sent a message to Brezhnev giving Kissinger full negotiating authority. Kissinger wanted to stall a ceasefire to gain more time for Israel to push across the Suez Canal to the African side, and wanted to be perceived as a mere presidential emissary who needed to consult the White House all the time as a stalling tactic.

On October 31, 1973, Egyptian Foreign Minister Ismail Fahmi (left) meets with Richard Nixon (middle) and Henry Kissinger (right), about a week after the end of fighting in the Yom Kippur War.

Kissinger promised the Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir that the United States would replace its losses in equipment after the war, but sought initially to delay arm shipments to Israel, as he believed it would improve the odds of making peace along the lines of United Nations Security Council Resolution 242. In 1973, Meir requested $850 million worth of American arms and equipment to replace its material losses. Nixon instead sent some $2 billion worth. The arms lift enraged King Faisal of Saudi Arabia, and he retaliated on October 20, 1973, by placing a total embargo on oil shipments to the United States, to be joined by all of the other oil-producing Arab states except Iraq and Libya.

On November 7, 1973, Kissinger flew to Riyadh to meet King Faisal and to ask him to end the oil embargo in exchange for promising to be "even handed" in the Arab-Israeli dispute. Despite all of Kissinger's efforts to charm him, Faisal refused to end the oil embargo. Only on March 19, 1974, did the king end the oil embargo, after Sadat reported to him that the United States was being more "even handed" and after Kissinger had promised to sell Saudi Arabia weapons that it had previously denied under the grounds that they might be used against Israel.

Kissinger pressured the Israelis to cede some of the newly captured land back to its Arab neighbors, contributing to the first phases of Israeli–Egyptian non-aggression. In 1973–74, Kissinger engaged in "shuttle diplomacy" flying between Tel Aviv, Cairo, and Damascus in a bid to make the armistice the basis of a preferment peace. Kissinger's first meeting with Hafez al-Assad lasted 6 hours and 30 minutes, causing the press to believe for a moment that he had been kidnapped by the Syrians. In his memoirs, Kissinger described how, during the course of his 28 meetings in Damascus in 1973–74, Assad "negotiated tenaciously and daringly like a riverboat gambler to make sure he had exacted the last sliver of available concessions".

In contrast, Kissinger's negotiations with Sadat, through not without difficulties, were more fruitful. The move saw a warming in U.S.–Egyptian relations, bitter since the 1950s, as the country moved away from its former independent stance and into a close partnership with the United States.

The Persian Gulf

A major concern for Kissinger was the possibility of Soviet influence in the Persian Gulf. In April 1969, Iraq came into conflict with Iran when Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi renounced the 1937 treaty governing the Shatt-al-Arab river. After two years of skirmishes along the border, President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr broke off diplomatic relations with Iran on December 1, 1971. In May 1972, Nixon and Kissinger visited Tehran to tell the Shah that there would be no "second-guessing of his requests" to buy American weapons. At the same time, Nixon and Kissinger agreed a plan of the Shah's that the United States together with Iran and Israel would support the Kurdish peshmerga guerrillas fighting for independence from Iraq. Kissinger later wrote that after Vietnam, there was no possibility of deploying American forces in the Middle East, and henceforward Iran was to act as America's surrogate in the Persian Gulf. Kissinger described the Baathist regime in Iraq as a potential threat to the United States and believed that building up Iran and supporting the peshmerga was the best counterweight.

Turkish invasion of Cyprus

Following a period of steady relations between the U.S. Government and the Greek military regime after 1967, Secretary of State Kissinger was faced with the coup by the Greek junta and the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in July and August 1974. In an August 1974 edition of The New York Times, it was revealed that Kissinger and State Department were informed in advance οf the impending coup by the Greek junta in Cyprus. Indeed, according to the journalist,) the official version of events as told by the State Department was that it felt it had to warn the Greek military regime not to carry out the coup. Kissinger was a target of anti-American sentiment which was a significant feature of Greek public opinion at the time—particularly among young people—viewing the U.S. role in Cyprus as negative. In a demonstration by students in Heraklion, Crete, soon after the second phase of the Turkish invasion in August 1974, slogans such as "Kissinger, murderer", "Americans get out", "No to Partition" and "Cyprus is no Vietnam" were heard. Some years later, Kissinger expressed the opinion that the Cyprus issue was resolved in 1974.

Latin American policy

Ford and Kissinger conversing on the White House grounds, August 1974

The United States continued to recognize and maintain relationships with non-left-wing governments, democratic and authoritarian alike. John F. Kennedy's Alliance for Progress was ended in 1973. In 1974, negotiations over a new settlement for the Panama Canal began, and they eventually led to the Torrijos–Carter Treaties and the handing over of the Canal to Panamanian control.

Kissinger initially supported the normalization of United States-Cuba relations, broken since 1961 (all U.S.–Cuban trade was blocked in February 1962, a few weeks after the exclusion of Cuba from the Organization of American States because of U.S. pressure). However, he quickly changed his mind and followed Kennedy's policy. After the involvement of the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces in the independence struggles in Angola and Mozambique, Kissinger said that unless Cuba withdrew its forces relations would not be normalized. Cuba refused.

Intervention in Chile

Chilean Socialist Party presidential candidate Salvador Allende was elected by a plurality of 36.2 percent in 1970, causing serious concern in Washington, D.C., due to his openly socialist and pro-Cuban politics. The Nixon administration, with Kissinger's input, authorized the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to encourage a military coup that would prevent Allende's inauguration, but the plan was not successful.:115:495:177

On September 11, 1973, Allende died during a military coup launched by Army Commander-in-Chief Augusto Pinochet, who became president. In September 1976, Orlando Letelier, a Chilean opponent of the new Pinochet regime, was assassinated in Washington, D.C. with a car bomb. Previously, Kissinger had helped secure his release from prison, and had chosen to cancel a letter to Chile warning them against carrying out any political assassinations. This murder was part of Operation Condor, a covert program of political repression and assassination carried out by Southern Cone nations that Kissinger has been accused of being involved in.

On September 10, 2001, the family of Chilean general René Schneider filed a suit against Kissinger, accusing him of collaborating in arranging Schneider's kidnapping which resulted in his death. The case was later dismissed by a U.S. District Court, citing separation of powers: "The decision to support a coup of the Chilean government to prevent Dr. Allende from coming to power, and the means by which the United States Government sought to effect that goal, implicate policy makers in the murky realm of foreign affairs and national security best left to the political branches." Decades later, the CIA admitted its involvement in the kidnapping of General Schneider, but not his murder, and subsequently paid the group responsible for his death $35,000 "to keep the prior contact secret, maintain the goodwill of the group, and for humanitarian reasons."

Argentina

See also: Dirty War

Kissinger took a similar line as he had toward Chile when the Argentine Armed Forces, led by Jorge Videla, toppled the elected government of Isabel Perón in 1976 with a process called the National Reorganization Process by the military, with which they consolidated power, launching brutal reprisals and "disappearances" against political opponents. An October 1987 investigative report in The Nation broke the story of how, in a June 1976 meeting in the Hotel Carrera in Santiago, Kissinger gave the military junta in neighboring Argentina the "green light" for their own clandestine repression against leftwing guerrillas and other dissidents, thousands of whom were kept in more than 400 secret concentration camps before they were executed. During a meeting with Argentine foreign minister César Augusto Guzzetti, Kissinger assured him that the United States was an ally, but urged him to "get back to normal procedures" quickly before the U.S. Congress reconvened and had a chance to consider sanctions.

As the article published in The Nation noted, as the state-sponsored terror mounted, conservative Republican U.S. Ambassador to Buenos Aires Robert C. Hill "'was shaken, he became very disturbed, by the case of the son of a thirty-year embassy employee, a student who was arrested, never to be seen again,' recalled former New York Times reporter Juan de Onis. 'Hill took a personal interest.' He went to the Interior Minister, a general with whom he had worked on drug cases, saying, 'Hey, what about this? We're interested in this case.' He questioned (Foreign Minister Cesar) Guzzetti and, finally, President Jorge R. Videla himself. 'All he got was stonewalling; he got nowhere.' de Onis said. 'His last year was marked by increasing disillusionment and dismay, and he backed his staff on human rights right to the hilt."

In a letter to The Nation editor Victor Navasky, protesting publication of the article, Kissinger claimed that: "At any rate, the notion of Hill as a passionate human rights advocate is news to all his former associates." Yet Kissinger aide Harry W. Shlaudeman later disagreed with Kissinger, telling the oral historian William E. Knight of the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project: "It really came to a head when I was Assistant Secretary, or it began to come to a head, in the case of Argentina where the dirty war was in full flower. Bob Hill, who was Ambassador then in Buenos Aires, a very conservative Republican politician—by no means liberal or anything of the kind, began to report quite effectively about what was going on, this slaughter of innocent civilians, supposedly innocent civilians—this vicious war that they were conducting, underground war. He, at one time in fact, sent me a back-channel telegram saying that the Foreign Minister, who had just come for a visit to Washington and had returned to Buenos Aires, had gloated to him that Kissinger had said nothing to him about human rights. I don't know—I wasn't present at the interview."

Navasky later wrote in his book about being confronted by Kissinger, "'Tell me, Mr. Navasky,' [Kissinger] said in his famous guttural tones, 'how is it that a short article in a obscure journal such as yours about a conversation that was supposed to have taken place years ago about something that did or didn't happen in Argentina resulted in sixty people holding placards denouncing me a few months ago at the airport when I got off the plane in Copenhagen?'"

According to declassified state department files, Kissinger also hindered Carter Administration's efforts to halt the mass killings by the 1976–83 military dictatorship by visiting the country and praising the regime.

Rhodesia

In September 1976, Kissinger was actively involved in negotiations regarding the Rhodesian Bush War. Kissinger, along with South Africa's Prime Minister John Vorster, pressured Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith to hasten the transition to black majority rule in Rhodesia. With FRELIMO in control of Mozambique and even the apartheid regime of South Africa withdrawing its support, Rhodesia's isolation was nearly complete. According to Smith's autobiography, Kissinger told Smith of Mrs. Kissinger's admiration for him, but Smith stated that he thought Kissinger was asking him to sign Rhodesia's "death certificate". Kissinger, bringing the weight of the United States, and corralling other relevant parties to put pressure on Rhodesia, hastened the end of minority-rule.

East Timor

Suharto with Gerald Ford and Kissinger in Jakarta on December 6, 1975, one day before the Indonesian invasion of East Timor.

The Portuguese decolonization process brought U.S. attention to the former Portuguese colony of East Timor, which declared its independence in 1975. Indonesian president Suharto regarded East Timor as rightfully part of Indonesia. In December 1975, Suharto discussed invasion plans during a meeting with Kissinger and President Ford in the Indonesian capital of Jakarta. Both Ford and Kissinger made clear that U.S. relations with Indonesia would remain strong and that it would not object to the proposed annexation. They only wanted it done "fast" and proposed that it be delayed until after they had returned to Washington. Accordingly, Suharto delayed the operation for one day. Finally on December 7 Indonesian forces invaded the former Portuguese colony. U.S. arms sales to Indonesia continued, and Suharto went ahead with the annexation plan. According to Ben Kiernan, the invasion and occupation resulted in the deaths of nearly a quarter of the Timorese population from 1975 to 1981.

Cuba

In February 1976, Kissinger considered launching air strikes against ports and military installations in Cuba, as well as deploying Marine battalions based at the US Navy base at Guantanamo Bay, in retaliation for Cuban President Fidel Castro's decision in late 1975 to send troops to newly independent Angola to help the MPLA in its fight against UNITA and South Africa during the start of the Angolan Civil War.

Western Sahara

The Kissingerian doctrine endorsed the forced concession of Spanish Sahara to Morocco. At the height of the 1975 Sahara crisis, Kissinger misled Gerald Ford into thinking the International Court of Justice had ruled in favor of Morocco. Kissinger was aware in advance of the Moroccan plans for the invasion of the territory, materialized on November 6, 1975, in the so-called Green March.

Kissinger meeting with President Ronald Reagan in the White House family quarters, 1981

Kissinger left office when Democrat Jimmy Carter defeated Republican Gerald Ford in the 1976 presidential elections. Kissinger continued to participate in policy groups, such as the Trilateral Commission, and to maintain political consulting, speaking, and writing engagements.

After Kissinger left office in 1977, he was offered an endowed chair at Columbia University. There was student opposition to the appointment, which became a subject of media commentary. Columbia canceled the appointment as a result.

Kissinger was then appointed to Georgetown University's Center for Strategic and International Studies. He taught at Georgetown's Edmund Walsh School of Foreign Service for several years in the late 1970s. In 1982, with the help of a loan from the international banking firm of E.M. Warburg, Pincus and Company, Kissinger founded a consulting firm, Kissinger Associates, and is a partner in affiliate Kissinger McLarty Associates with Mack McLarty, former chief of staff to President Bill Clinton. He also serves on the board of directors of Hollinger International, a Chicago-based newspaper group, and as of March 1999, was a director of Gulfstream Aerospace.

In September 1989, the Wall Street Journal's John Fialka disclosed that Kissinger took a direct economic interest in US-China relations in March 1989 with the establishment of China Ventures, Inc., a Delaware limited partnership, of which he was chairman of the board and chief executive officer. A US$75 million investment in a joint venture with the Communist Party government's primary commercial vehicle at the time, China International Trust & Investment Corporation (CITIC), was its purpose. Board members were major clients of Kissinger Associates. Kissinger was criticised for not disclosing his role in the venture when called upon by ABC's Peter Jennings to comment the morning after the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre. Kissinger's position was generally supportive of Deng Xiaoping's decision to use the military against the demonstrating students and he opposed economic sanctions.

From 1995 to 2001, Kissinger served on the board of directors for Freeport-McMoRan, a multinational copper and gold producer with significant mining and milling operations in Papua, Indonesia. In February 2000, then-president of Indonesia Abdurrahman Wahid appointed Kissinger as a political advisor. He also serves as an honorary advisor to the United States-Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce.

In 1998, in response to the 2002 Winter Olympic bid scandal, the International Olympic Committee formed a commission, called the "2000 Commission," to recommend reforms, which Kissinger served on. This service led in 2000 to his appointment as one of five IOC "honor members," a category the organization described as granted to "eminent personalities from outside the IOC who have rendered particularly outstanding services to it."

From 2000 to 2006, Kissinger served as chairman of the board of trustees of Eisenhower Fellowships. In 2006, upon his departure from Eisenhower Fellowships, he received the Dwight D. Eisenhower Medal for Leadership and Service.

In November 2002, he was appointed by President George W. Bush to chair the newly established National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States to investigate the September 11 attacks. Kissinger stepped down as chairman on December 13, 2002, rather than reveal his business client list, when queried about potential conflicts of interest.

In the Rio Tinto espionage case of 2009–2010, Kissinger was paid $5 million to advise the multinational mining company how to distance itself from an employee who had been arrested in China for bribery.

President Donald Trump meeting with Kissinger on May 10, 2017

Kissinger—along with William Perry, Sam Nunn, and George Shultz—has called upon governments to embrace the vision of a world free of nuclear weapons, and in three Wall Street Journal op-eds proposed an ambitious program of urgent steps to that end. The four have created the Nuclear Threat Initiative to advance this agenda. In 2010, the four were featured in a documentary film entitled Nuclear Tipping Point. The film is a visual and historical depiction of the ideas laid forth in the Wall Street Journal op-eds and reinforces their commitment to a world without nuclear weapons and the steps that can be taken to reach that goal.

In December 2008, Kissinger was given the American Patriot Award by the National Defense University Foundation "in recognition for his distinguished career in public service."

On November 17, 2016, Kissinger met with then President-elect Donald Trump during which they discussed global affairs. Kissinger also met with President Trump at the White House in May 2017.

In an interview with Charlie Rose on August 17, 2017, Kissinger said about President Trump: "I'm hoping for an Augustinian moment, for St. Augustine ... who in his early life followed a pattern that was quite incompatible with later on when he had a vision, and rose to sainthood. One does not expect the president to become that, but it's conceivable ...". Kissinger also argued that Russian President Vladimir Putin wanted to weaken Hillary Clinton, not elect Donald Trump. Kissinger said that Putin "thought—wrongly incidentally—that she would be extremely confrontational ... I think he tried to weaken the incoming president [Clinton]".

Views on U.S. foreign policy

Yugoslav wars

President Barack Obama discussing the New START Treaty between the U.S. and Russia, 2010

In several articles of his and interviews that he gave during the Yugoslav wars, he criticized the United States' policies in Southeast Europe, among other things for the recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a sovereign state, which he described as a foolish act. Most importantly he dismissed the notion of Serbs and Croats being aggressors or separatist, saying that "they can't be separating from something that has never existed". In addition, he repeatedly warned the West against inserting itself into a conflict that has its roots at least hundreds of years back in time, and said that the West would do better if it allowed the Serbs and Croats to join their respective countries. Kissinger shared similarly critical views on Western involvement in Kosovo. In particular, he held a disparaging view of the Rambouillet Agreement:

The Rambouillet text, which called on Serbia to admit NATO troops throughout Yugoslavia, was a provocation, an excuse to start bombing. Rambouillet is not a document that any Serb could have accepted. It was a terrible diplomatic document that should never have been presented in that form.

Henry Kissinger, Daily Telegraph, June 28, 1999

However, as the Serbs did not accept the Rambouillet text and NATO bombings started, he opted for a continuation of the bombing as NATO's credibility was now at stake, but dismissed the use of ground forces, claiming that it was not worth it.

Iraq

Kissinger speaking during Gerald Ford's funeral in January 2007

In 2006, it was reported in the book State of Denial by Bob Woodward that Kissinger met regularly with President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney to offer advice on the Iraq War. Kissinger confirmed in recorded interviews with Woodward that the advice was the same as he had given in a column in The Washington Post on August 12, 2005: "Victory over the insurgency is the only meaningful exit strategy."

In an interview on the BBC's Sunday AM on November 19, 2006, Kissinger was asked whether there is any hope left for a clear military victory in Iraq and responded, "If you mean by 'military victory' an Iraqi government that can be established and whose writ runs across the whole country, that gets the civil war under control and sectarian violence under control in a time period that the political processes of the democracies will support, I don't believe that is possible. ... I think we have to redefine the course. But I don't believe that the alternative is between military victory as it had been defined previously, or total withdrawal."

In an interview with Peter Robinson of the Hoover Institution on April 3, 2008, Kissinger reiterated that even though he supported the 2003 invasion of Iraq, he thought that the George W. Bush administration rested too much of its case for war on Saddam's supposed weapons of mass destruction. Robinson noted that Kissinger had criticized the administration for invading with too few troops, for disbanding the Iraqi Army, and for mishandling relations with certain allies.

India

Kissinger said in April 2008 that "India has parallel objectives to the United States," and he called it an ally of the U.S.

China

Angela Merkel and Kissinger were at the state funeral for former German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, November 23, 2015

Kissinger was present at the opening ceremony of the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics. A few months before the Games opened, as controversy over China's human rights record was intensifying due to criticism by Amnesty International and other groups of the widespread use of the death penalty and other issues, Kissinger told the PRC's official press agency Xinhua: "I think one should separate Olympics as a sporting event from whatever political disagreements people may have had with China. I expect that the games will proceed in the spirit for which they were designed, which is friendship among nations, and that other issues are discussed in other forums." He said China had made huge efforts to stage the Games. "Friends of China should not use the Olympics to pressure China now." He added that he would bring two of his grandchildren to watch the Games and planned to attend the opening ceremony. During the Games, he participated with Australian swimmer Ian Thorpe, film star Jackie Chan, and former British PM Tony Blair at a Peking University forum on the qualities that make a champion. He sat with his wife Nancy Kissinger, President George W. Bush, former President George H. W. Bush, and Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi at the men's basketball game between China and the U.S.

In 2011, Kissinger published On China, chronicling the evolution of Sino-American relations and laying out the challenges to a partnership of 'genuine strategic trust' between the U.S. and China.

In his 2011 book On China, his 2014 book World Order and in a 2018 interview with Financial Times, Kissinger stated that he believes China wants to restore its historic role as the Middle Kingdom and be "the principal adviser to all humanity".

In 2020, during a period of worsening Sino-American relations caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, the Hong Kong protests, and the U.S.–China trade war, Kissinger expressed concerns that the United States and China are entering a Second Cold War and will eventually become embroiled in a military conflict similar to World War I. He called for Chinese President Xi Jinping and the incoming U.S. President-elect Joe Biden to take a less confrontational foreign policy. Kissinger previously said that a potential war between China and the United States would be "worse than the world wars that ruined European civilization."

Iran

Kissinger's position on this issue of U.S.–Iran talks was reported by the Tehran Times to be that "Any direct talks between the U.S. and Iran on issues such as the nuclear dispute would be most likely to succeed if they first involved only diplomatic staff and progressed to the level of secretary of state before the heads of state meet." In 2016, Kissinger said that the biggest challenge facing the Middle East is the "potential domination of the region by an Iran that is both imperial and jihadist." He further wrote in August 2017 that if the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps of Iran and its Shiite allies were allowed to fill the territorial vacuum left by a militarily defeated Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, the region would be left with a land corridor extending from Iran to the Levant "which could mark the emergence of an Iranian radical empire." Commenting on the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, Kissinger said that he wouldn't have agreed to it, but that Trump's plan to end the agreement after it was signed would "enable the Iranians to do more than us."

2014 Ukrainian crisis

Henry Kissinger on April 26, 2016

On March 5, 2014, The Washington Post published an op-ed piece by Kissinger, 11 days before the Crimean referendum on whether Autonomous Republic of Crimea should officially rejoin Ukraine or join neighboring Russia. In it, he attempted to balance the Ukrainian, Russian and Western desires for a functional state. He made four main points:

  1. Ukraine should have the right to choose freely its economic and political associations, including with Europe;
  2. Ukraine should not join NATO, a repetition of the position he took seven years before;
  3. Ukraine should be free to create any government compatible with the expressed will of its people. Wise Ukrainian leaders would then opt for a policy of reconciliation between the various parts of their country. He imagined an international position for Ukraine like that of Finland.
  4. Ukraine should maintain sovereignty over Crimea.

Kissinger also wrote: "The west speaks Ukrainian; the east speaks mostly Russian. Any attempt by one wing of Ukraine to dominate the other—as has been the pattern—would lead eventually to civil war or break up."

Following the publication of his book titled World Order, Kissinger participated in an interview with Charlie Rose and updated his position on Ukraine, which he sees as a possible geographical mediator between Russia and the West. In a question he posed to himself for illustration regarding re-conceiving policy regarding Ukraine, Kissinger stated: "If Ukraine is considered an outpost, then the situation is that its eastern border is the NATO strategic line, and NATO will be within 200 miles (320 km) of Volgograd. That will never be accepted by Russia. On the other hand, if the Russian western line is at the border of Poland, Europe will be permanently disquieted. The Strategic objective should have been to see whether one can build Ukraine as a bridge between East and West, and whether one can do it as a kind of a joint effort."

In December 2016, Kissinger advised then President-elect Donald Trump to accept "Crimea as a part of Russia" in an attempt to secure a rapprochement between the United States and Russia, whose relations soured as a result of the Crimean crisis. When asked if he explicitly considered Russia's sovereignty over Crimea legitimate, Kissinger answered in the affirmative, reversing the position he took in his Washington Post op-ed.

Computers and nuclear weapons

In 2019, Kissinger wrote about the increasing tendency to give control of nuclear weapons to computers operating with Artificial Intelligence (AI) that: "Adversaries' ignorance of AI-developed configurations will become a strategic advantage". Kissinger argued that giving power to launch nuclear weapons to computers using algorithms to make decisions would eliminate the human factor and give the advantage to the state that had the most effective AI system as a computer can make decisions about war and peace far faster than any human ever could. Just as an AI-enhanced computer can win chess games by anticipating human decision-making, an AI-enhanced computer could be useful in a crisis as in a nuclear war, the side that strikes first would have the advantage by destroying the opponent's nuclear capacity. Kissinger also noted there was always the danger that a computer would make a decision to start a nuclear war that before diplomacy had been exhausted or the algorithm controlling the AI might make a decision to start a nuclear war that would be not understandable to the operators. Kissinger also warned the use of AI to control nuclear weapons would impose "opacity" on the decision-making process as the algorithms that control the AI system are not readily understandable, destabilizing the decision-making process:

... grand strategy requires an understanding of the capabilities and military deployments of potential adversaries. But if more and more intelligence becomes opaque, how will policy makers understand the views and abilities of their adversaries and perhaps even allies? Will many different internets emerge or, in the end, only one? What will be the implications for cooperation? For confrontation? As AI becomes ubiquitous, new concepts for its security need to emerge.

COVID-19 pandemic

On April 3, 2020, Kissinger shared his diagnostic view of the COVID-19 pandemic, saying that it threatens the "liberal world order". Kissinger added that the virus does not know borders although global leaders are trying to address the crisis on a mainly national basis. He stressed that the key is not a purely national effort but greater international cooperation.

At the height of Kissinger's prominence, many commented on his wit. In February 1972, at the Washington Press Club annual congressional dinner, "Kissinger mocked his reputation as a secret swinger." The insight, "Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac", is widely attributed to him, although Kissinger was paraphrasing Napoleon Bonaparte. Four scholars at the College of William & Mary ranked Kissinger as the most effective U.S. Secretary of State in the 50 years to 2015. A number of activists and human rights lawyers, however, have sought his prosecution for alleged war crimes. According to historian and Kissinger biographer Niall Ferguson, however, accusing Kissinger alone of war crimes "requires a double standard" because "nearly all the secretaries of state ... and nearly all the presidents" have taken similar actions. But Ferguson continues "this is not to say that it's all OK."

Colin Powell, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Secretary of State John Kerry, and Kissinger in March 2016

Some have blamed Kissinger for injustices in American foreign policy during his tenure in government. In September 2001, relatives and survivors of General Rene Schneider (former head of the Chilean general staff) filed civil proceedings in Federal Court in Washington, DC, and, in April 2002, a petition for Kissinger's arrest was filed in the High Court in London by human rights campaigner Peter Tatchell, citing the destruction of civilian populations and the environment in Indochina during the years 1969–75. British-American journalist and author Christopher Hitchens authored The Trial of Henry Kissinger, in which Hitchens calls for the prosecution of Kissinger "for war crimes, for crimes against humanity, and for offenses against common or customary or international law, including conspiracy to commit murder, kidnap, and torture". Critics on the right, such as Ray Takeyh, have faulted Kissinger for his role in the Nixon administration's opening to China and secret negotiations with North Vietnam. Takeyh writes that while rapprochement with China was a worthy goal, the Nixon administration failed to achieve any meaningful concessions from Chinese officials in return, as China continued to support North Vietnam and various "revolutionary forces throughout the Third World," "nor does there appear to be even a remote, indirect connection between Nixon and Kissinger's diplomacy and the communist leadership's decision, after Mao's bloody rule, to move away from a communist economy towards state capitalism."

Nixon's and Kissinger's conversation on October 6, 1972

Historian Jeffrey Kimball developed the theory that Kissinger and the Nixon administration accepted a South Vietnamese collapse provided a face-saving decent interval passed between American withdrawal and defeat. In his first meeting with Zhou Enlai in 1971, Kissinger "laid out in detail the settlement terms that would produce such a delayed defeat: total American withdrawal, return of all American POWs, and a ceasefire-in-place for '18 months or some period'", in the words of historian Ken Hughes. On October 6, 1972, Kissinger told Nixon twice that the terms of the Paris Peace Accords would probably destroy South Vietnam: "I also think that Thieu is right, that our terms will eventually destroy him." However, Kissinger denied using a "decent interval" strategy, writing "All of us who negotiated the agreement of October 12 were convinced that we had vindicated the anguish of a decade not by a 'decent interval' but by a decent settlement." Johannes Kadura offers a positive assessment of Nixon and Kissinger's strategy, arguing that the two men "simultaneously maintained a Plan A of further supporting Saigon and a Plan B of shielding Washington should their maneuvers prove futile." According to Kadura, the "decent interval" concept has been "largely misrepresented," in that Nixon and Kissinger "sought to gain time, make the North turn inward, and create a perpetual equilibrium" rather than acquiescing in the collapse of South Vietnam.

Kissinger's record was brought up during the 2016 Democratic Party presidential primaries. Hillary Clinton had cultivated a close relationship with Kissinger, describing him as a "friend" and a source of "counsel." During the Democratic Primary Debates, Clinton touted Kissinger's praise for her record as Secretary of State. In response, candidate Bernie Sanders issued a critique of Kissinger's foreign policy, declaring, "I am proud to say that Henry Kissinger is not my friend. I will not take advice from Henry Kissinger."

Henry and Nancy Kissinger at the Metropolitan Opera opening in 2008
Nancy and Henry Kissinger in their New York apartment with their dog Tyler, 1978

Kissinger married Ann Fleischer on February 6, 1949. They had two children, Elizabeth and David, and divorced in 1964. On March 30, 1974, he married Nancy Maginnes. They now live in Kent, Connecticut, and in New York City. Kissinger's son David Kissinger served as an executive with NBCUniversal before becoming head of Conaco, Conan O'Brien's production company. In February 1982, at the age of 58, Henry Kissinger underwent coronary bypass surgery.

Kissinger described Diplomacy as his favorite game in a 1973 interview.

Soccer

Daryl Grove characterised Kissinger as one of the most influential people in the growth of soccer in the United States. Kissinger was named chairman of the North American Soccer League board of directors in 1978.

Since his childhood, Kissinger has been a fan of his hometown's soccer club, SpVgg Greuther Fürth. Even during his time in office, the German Embassy informed him about the team's results every Monday morning. He is an honorary member with lifetime season-tickets. In September 2012 Kissinger attended a home game in which SpVgg Greuther Fürth lost, 0–2, against Schalke, after promising years ago he would attend a Greuther Fürth home game if they were promoted to the Bundesliga, the top football league in Germany, from the 2. Bundesliga.

  • Kissinger and Le Duc Tho were jointly offered the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize for their work on the Paris Peace Accords which prompted the withdrawal of American forces from the Vietnam war. (Le Duc Tho declined to accept the award on the grounds that such "bourgeois sentimentalities" were not for him[40] and that peace had not actually been achieved in Vietnam.) Kissinger donated his prize money to charity, did not attend the award ceremony and later offered to return his prize medal after the fall of South Vietnam to North Vietnamese forces 18 months later.[40]
  • In 1973, Kissinger received the U.S. Senator John Heinz Award for Greatest Public Service by an Elected or Appointed Official, an award given out annually by Jefferson Awards.
  • In 1976, Kissinger became the first honorary member of the Harlem Globetrotters.
Kissinger at the LBJ Library in 2016

Memoirs

Public policy

  1. This was the 1980 award for hardcover History. From 1980 to 1983 there were dual hardcover and paperback awards in most categories, and multiple nonfiction subcategories. Most of the paperback award-winners were reprints, including Kissinger's.
  1. Kissinger, Henry A. (April 3, 2020). "The Coronavirus Pandemic Will Forever Alter the World Order". The Wall Street Journal. RetrievedApril 20, 2020.
  2. "Kissinger – Definition from the Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary". Merriam-Webster. RetrievedOctober 23, 2009.
  3. "The Nobel Peace Prize 1973". NobelPrize.org. RetrievedFebruary 4, 2019.
  4. Feldman, Burton (2001). The Nobel Prize: A History Of Genius, Controversy, and Prestige. Arcade Publishing. p. 16. ISBN 978-1-55970-537-0.
  5. "Henry Kissinger: Realpolitik and Kurdish Genocide". The Kurdistan Tribune. March 24, 2013. RetrievedMarch 1, 2019.
  6. Bass, Gary (September 21, 2013). "Blood Meridian". The Economist. RetrievedFebruary 13, 2016.
  7. "Protesters Heckle Kissinger, Denounce Him for 'War Crimes'". The Times of Israel. January 30, 2015. RetrievedDecember 14, 2015.
  8. Nevius, James (February 13, 2016). "Does Hillary Clinton see that invoking Henry Kissinger harms her campaign?". The Guardian. RetrievedOctober 23, 2016. "[...] many consider Kissinger a war criminal, most famously Christopher Hitchens, who, in a lengthy two-part article for Harper's in 2001 (later expanded into the book and documentary, The Trial of Henry Kissinger), laid out his case that Kissinger should be brought up on charges 'for war crimes, for crimes against humanity, and for offenses against common or customary or international law, including conspiracy to commit murder, kidnap, and torture'.
  9. "The Best International Relations Schools in the World". Foreign Policy. February 3, 2015. RetrievedAugust 8, 2015.
  10. Robertson, Nicky; Cole, Devan. "Former Secretary of State George Shultz dead at age 100". CNN. RetrievedFebruary 21, 2021.
  11. Isaacson (1992), p. 20.
  12. "Die Kissingers in Bad Kissingen" [The Kissingers in Bad Kissingen] (in German). Bayerischer Rundfunk. June 2, 2005. Archived from the original on October 18, 2007. RetrievedFebruary 3, 2007.
  13. Hesse, Uli (February 17, 2012). "Go Furth and Conquer". ESPN Soccernet. RetrievedMay 3, 2012.
  14. "Henry Kissinger". Biography. RetrievedNovember 23, 2020.
  15. "Kissinger: My Family Escaped the Horrors of the Holocaust by 'Just a Few Months'". Algemeiner.com. RetrievedNovember 23, 2020.
  16. Welle (www.dw.com), Deutsche. "New Books Explore Henry Kissinger's German Jewish Roots | DW | June 29, 2007". DW.COM. RetrievedNovember 23, 2020.
  17. Thomas A. Schwartz (2011) Henry Kissinger: Realism, Domestic Politics, and the Struggle Against Exceptionalism in American Foreign Policy, Diplomacy & Statecraft, 22:1, 121–141, DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2011.549746
  18. Isaacson 1992, p. 37.
  19. "Bygone Days: Complex Jew. Inside Kissinger's soul". The Jerusalem Post. Archived from the original on July 13, 2011. RetrievedSeptember 4, 2008.
  20. Isaacson 1992, p. 38.
  21. Isaacson 1992, pp. 39–48.
  22. Isaacson 1992, p. 48.
  23. Isaacson 1992, p. 49.
  24. Isaacson 1992, p. 53.
  25. Isaacson 1992, p. 55.
  26. "Henry Kissinger at Large, Part One". PBS. January 29, 2004. RetrievedFebruary 13, 2016.
  27. "PBK Famous Members". Depts.washington.edu. RetrievedMarch 17, 2017.
  28. Draper, Theodore (September 6, 1992). "Little Heinz and Big Henry". The New York Times. RetrievedDecember 30, 2006.
  29. Ferguson, Niall (2016). Kissinger, 1923 - 1968: The Idealist. Penguin Books. p. 237.
  30. "Kissinger and the Meaning of History". Foreign Affairs : An American Quarterly Review. January 28, 2009. ISSN 0015-7120. RetrievedNovember 22, 2019.
  31. "The meaning of history: reflections on Spengler, Toynbee and Kant". hollis.harvard.edu. RetrievedNovember 22, 2019.
  32. "Henry Kissinger – Biography". NobelPrize.org. RetrievedDecember 30, 2006.
  33. Kissinger, Henry (1954). Peace, legitimacy, and the equilibrium: (a study of the statesmanship of Castlereagh and Metternich) (Thesis). Cambridge, Mass.: Kissinger. OCLC 63222254.
  34. Campbell, Kurt M.; Doshi, Rush (January 12, 2021). "How America Can Shore Up Asian Order A Strategy for Restoring Balance and Legitimacy". Foreign Affairs.
  35. Buchan, Alastair (July 1974). "The Irony of Henry Kissinger". International Affairs. 50 (3): 369. doi:10.2307/2616401. JSTOR 2616401.
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  • 1974. Kalb, Marvin L. and Kalb, Bernard, Kissinger, ISBN 0-316-48221-8
  • 1974. Schlafly, Phyllis, Kissinger on the Couch. Arlington House Publishers. ISBN 0-87000-216-3
  • 1983. Hersh, Seymour, The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House, Summit Books. ISBN 0-671-50688-9. (Awards: National Book Critics Circle, General Non-Fiction Award. Best Book of the Year: New York Times Book Review; Newsweek; San Francisco Chronicle)
  • 2004. Hanhimäki, Jussi. The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy. ISBN 0-19-517221-3
  • 2009. Kurz, Evi. The Kissinger-Saga – Walter and Henry Kissinger. Two Brothers from Fuerth, Germany. London. Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN 978-0-297-85675-7.
  • 2015. Ferguson, Niall (2015). Kissinger, 1923–1968: The Idealist. New York: Penguin Books. ISBN 9781594206535.
  • 2020. Runciman, David, "Don't be a Kerensky!" (review of Barry Gewen, The Inevitability of Tragedy: Henry Kissinger and His World, Norton, April 2020, ISBN 978 1 324 00405 9, 452 pp.; and Thomas Schwartz, Henry Kissinger and American Power: A Political Biography, Hill and Wang, September 2020, ISBN 978 0 8090 9537 7, 548 pp.), London Review of Books, vol. 42, no. 23 (December 3, 2020), pp. 13–16, 18. "[Kissinger] was [...] a political opportunist doing his best to keep one step ahead of the people determined to bring him down. [...] Unelected, unaccountable, never really representing anyone but himself, he rose so high and resided so long in America's political consciousness because his shapeshifting allowed people to find in him what they wanted to find." (p. 18.)

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Henry Kissinger
Political offices
Preceded by
Walt Rostow
United States National Security Advisor
1969–1975
Succeeded by
Brent Scowcroft
Preceded by
William Rogers
United States Secretary of State
1973–1977
Succeeded by
Cyrus Vance
Academic offices
Preceded by
Margaret Thatcher
Chancellor of the College of William & Mary
2000–2005
Succeeded by
Sandra Day O'Connor

Henry Kissinger
henry, kissinger, language, watch, edit, redirected, from, henry, kissinger, kissinger, redirects, here, other, uses, kissinger, disambiguation, henry, alfred, kissinger, kcmg, german, ˈkɪsɪŋɐ, born, heinz, alfred, kissinger, 1923, american, politician, diplom. Henry Kissinger Language Watch Edit 160 160 Redirected from Henry A Kissinger Kissinger redirects here For other uses see Kissinger disambiguation Henry Alfred Kissinger KCMG ˈ k ɪ s ɪ n dʒ er 2 German ˈkɪsɪŋɐ born Heinz Alfred Kissinger May 27 1923 is an American politician diplomat and geopolitical consultant who served as United States Secretary of State and National Security Advisor under the presidential administrations of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford 3 A Jewish refugee who fled Nazi Germany with his family in 1938 he became National Security Advisor in 1969 and U S Secretary of State in 1973 For his actions negotiating a ceasefire in Vietnam Kissinger received the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize under controversial circumstances with two members of the committee resigning in protest 4 Henry Kissinger KCMGKissinger at the Metropolitan Opera in 200956th United States Secretary of StateIn office September 22 1973 January 20 1977PresidentRichard Nixon Gerald FordDeputyKenneth Rush Robert Ingersoll Charles RobinsonPreceded byWilliam RogersSucceeded byCyrus Vance8th United States National Security AdvisorIn office January 20 1969 November 3 1975PresidentRichard Nixon Gerald FordDeputyRichard Allen Alexander Haig Brent ScowcroftPreceded byWalt RostowSucceeded byBrent ScowcroftFurther offices held22nd Chancellor of the College of William amp MaryIn office July 1 2000 October 1 2005PresidentTimothy J Sullivan Gene NicholPreceded byMargaret ThatcherSucceeded bySandra Day O ConnorChair of the 9 11 CommissionIn office November 27 2002 December 14 2002PresidentGeorge W BushDeputyGeorge J Mitchell Lee H HamiltonPreceded byPosition establishedSucceeded byThomas KeanPersonal detailsBornHeinz Alfred Kissinger 1923 05 27 May 27 1923 age 98 Furth Bavaria Weimar Republic now Germany Political partyRepublicanSpouse s Ann Fleischer m 1949 div 1964 wbr Nancy Maginnes m 1974 wbr Children2EducationCity College of New York Harvard University AB 1950 AM 1951 PhD 1954 Civilian awardsNobel Peace PrizeSignatureMilitary serviceAllegiance United StatesBranch serviceU S ArmyYears of service1943 1946RankSergeantUnit84th Infantry Division 1 970th Counter Intelligence Corps Detachment citation needed Battles warsWorld War II Battle of the BulgeMilitary awardsBronze Star A practitioner of Realpolitik 5 Kissinger played a prominent role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977 During this period he pioneered the policy of detente with the Soviet Union orchestrated the opening of relations with China engaged in what became known as shuttle diplomacy in the Middle East to end the Yom Kippur War and negotiated the Paris Peace Accords ending American involvement in the Vietnam War Kissinger has also been associated with such controversial policies as U S involvement in the 1973 Chilean military coup a green light to Argentina s military junta for their Dirty War and U S support for Pakistan during the Bangladesh War despite the genocide being perpetrated by his allies 6 After leaving government he formed Kissinger Associates an international geopolitical consulting firm Kissinger has written over a dozen books on diplomatic history and international relations Kissinger remains a controversial and polarizing figure in U S politics both condemned as an alleged war criminal by many journalists political activists and human rights lawyers 5 7 8 and venerated as a highly effective U S Secretary of State by many prominent international relations scholars 9 With the death of centenarian George Shultz in February 2021 Kissinger is the oldest living former U S Cabinet member and the last surviving member of Nixon s Cabinet 10 Contents 1 Early life and education 2 Army experience 3 Academic career 4 Foreign policy 4 1 Detente and the opening to China 4 2 Vietnam War 4 3 Bangladesh Liberation War 4 4 Europe 4 5 Israeli policy and Soviet Jewry 4 6 The Arab Israeli dispute 4 7 The Persian Gulf 4 8 Turkish invasion of Cyprus 4 9 Latin American policy 4 9 1 Intervention in Chile 4 9 2 Argentina 4 10 Rhodesia 4 11 East Timor 4 12 Cuba 4 13 Western Sahara 5 Later roles 5 1 Views on U S foreign policy 5 1 1 Yugoslav wars 5 1 2 Iraq 5 1 3 India 5 1 4 China 5 1 5 Iran 5 1 6 2014 Ukrainian crisis 5 1 7 Computers and nuclear weapons 5 1 8 COVID 19 pandemic 6 Public perception 7 Family and personal life 7 1 Soccer 8 Awards honors and associations 9 Writings major books 9 1 Memoirs 9 2 Public policy 10 See also 11 Notes 12 References 12 1 Sources 13 Further reading 13 1 Biographies 13 2 Other 14 External linksEarly life and educationKissinger was born Heinz Alfred Kissinger in Furth Bavaria Germany in 1923 to a German Jewish family 11 His father Louis Kissinger 1887 1982 was a schoolteacher His mother Paula Stern Kissinger 1901 1998 from Leutershausen was a homemaker His brother Walter Kissinger born in 1924 died in 2021 at 96 The surname Kissinger was adopted in 1817 by his great great grandfather Meyer Lob after the Bavarian spa town of Bad Kissingen 12 In his youth Kissinger enjoyed playing soccer He played for the youth team of SpVgg Furth which was one of the nation s best clubs at the time 13 In 1938 when Kissinger was 15 years old he and his family fled Germany as a result of Nazi persecution During Nazi rule Kissinger and his friends were regularly harassed and beaten by Hitler Youth gangs 14 Kissinger sometimes defied the segregation imposed by Nazi racial laws by sneaking into soccer stadiums to watch matches often resulting in beatings from security guards 15 14 As a result of the Nazis anti Semitic laws Kissinger was unable to gain admittance to the Gymnasium while his father was dismissed from his teaching job 14 16 The family briefly emigrated to London before arriving in New York City on September 5 Kissinger later downplayed the influence his experiences of Nazi persecution had on his policies writing Germany of my youth had a great deal of order and very little justice it was not the sort of place likely to inspire devotion to order in the abstract However many scholars including Kissinger s biographer Walter Isaacson have disagreed and argued that his experiences influenced the formation of his realist approach to foreign policy 17 Kissinger spent his high school years in the Washington Heights section of Upper Manhattan as part of the German Jewish immigrant community that resided there at the time Although Kissinger assimilated quickly into American culture he never lost his pronounced German accent due to childhood shyness that made him hesitant to speak 18 19 After his first year at George Washington High School he began attending school at night and worked in a shaving brush factory during the day 18 Following high school Kissinger enrolled in the City College of New York studying accounting He excelled academically as a part time student continuing to work while enrolled His studies were interrupted in early 1943 when he was drafted into the US Army 20 Army experienceKissinger underwent basic training at Camp Croft in Spartanburg South Carolina On June 19 1943 while stationed in South Carolina at the age of 20 years he became a naturalized U S citizen The army sent him to study engineering at Lafayette College Pennsylvania but the program was canceled and Kissinger was reassigned to the 84th Infantry Division There he made the acquaintance of Fritz Kraemer a fellow immigrant from Germany who noted Kissinger s fluency in German and his intellect and arranged for him to be assigned to the military intelligence section of the division Kissinger saw combat with the division and volunteered for hazardous intelligence duties during the Battle of the Bulge 21 During the American advance into Germany Kissinger only a private was put in charge of the administration of the city of Krefeld owing to a lack of German speakers on the division s intelligence staff Within eight days he had established a civilian administration 22 Kissinger was then reassigned to the Counter Intelligence Corps CIC where he became a CIC Special Agent holding the enlisted rank of sergeant He was given charge of a team in Hanover assigned to tracking down Gestapo officers and other saboteurs for which he was awarded the Bronze Star 23 In June 1945 Kissinger was made commandant of the Bensheim metro CIC detachment Bergstrasse district of Hesse with responsibility for de Nazification of the district Although he possessed absolute authority and powers of arrest Kissinger took care to avoid abuses against the local population by his command 24 In 1946 Kissinger was reassigned to teach at the European Command Intelligence School at Camp King and as a civilian employee following his separation from the army continued to serve in this role 25 26 Academic career Portrait of Kissinger as a Harvard senior in 1950 Henry Kissinger received his AB degree summa cum laude Phi Beta Kappa 27 in political science from Harvard College in 1950 where he lived in Adams House and studied under William Yandell Elliott 28 His senior undergraduate thesis titled The Meaning of History Reflections on Spengler Toynbee and Kant was over 400 pages long and was the origin of the current limit on length 35 000 words 29 30 31 He received his MA and PhD degrees at Harvard University in 1951 and 1954 respectively In 1952 while still a graduate student at Harvard he served as a consultant to the director of the Psychological Strategy Board 32 His doctoral dissertation was titled Peace Legitimacy and the Equilibrium A Study of the Statesmanship of Castlereagh and Metternich 33 In his PhD dissertation Kissinger first introduced the concept of legitimacy 34 which he defined as Legitimacy as used here should not be confused with justice It means no more than an international agreement about the nature of workable arrangements and about the permissible aims and methods of foreign policy 35 An international order accepted by all of the major powers is legitimate whereas an international order not accepted by one or more of the great powers is revolutionary and hence dangerous 35 Thus when after the Congress of Vienna in 1815 the leaders of Britain France Austria Prussia and Russia agreed to co operate in the Concert of Europe to preserve the peace in Kissinger s viewpoint this international system was legitimate because it was accepted by the leaders of all five of the Great Powers of Europe Notably Kissinger s primat der aussenpolitik approach to diplomacy took it for granted that as long as the decision makers in the major states were willing to accept the international order then it is legitimate with questions of public opinion and morality dismissed as irrelevant 35 Kissinger remained at Harvard as a member of the faculty in the Department of Government where he served as the director of the Harvard International Seminar between 1951 and 1971 In 1955 he was a consultant to the National Security Council s Operations Coordinating Board 32 During 1955 and 1956 he was also study director in nuclear weapons and foreign policy at the Council on Foreign Relations He released his book Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy the following year 36 The book which criticized the Eisenhower Administration s massive retaliation nuclear doctrine caused much controversy at the time by proposing the use of tactical nuclear weapons on a regular basis to win wars 37 From 1956 to 1958 he worked for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund as director of its Special Studies Project 32 He served as the director of the Harvard Defense Studies Program between 1958 and 1971 In 1958 he also co founded the Center for International Affairs with Robert R Bowie where he served as its associate director Outside of academia he served as a consultant to several government agencies and think tanks including the Operations Research Office the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency Department of State and the RAND Corporation 32 Keen to have a greater influence on U S foreign policy Kissinger became foreign policy advisor to the presidential campaigns of Nelson Rockefeller supporting his bids for the Republican nomination in 1960 1964 and 1968 38 Kissinger first met Richard Nixon at a party hosted by Clare Booth Luce in 1967 saying that he found him more thoughtful than he expected 39 During the Republican primaries in 1968 Kissinger again served as the foreign policy adviser to Rockefeller and in July 1968 called Nixon the most dangerous of all the men running to have as president 39 Initially upset when Nixon won the Republican nomination the ambitious Kissinger soon changed his mind about Nixon and contacted a Nixon campaign aide Richard Allen to state he was willing to do anything to help Nixon win 40 After Nixon became president in January 1969 Kissinger was appointed as National Security Advisor Foreign policy Kissinger being sworn in as Secretary of State by Chief Justice Warren Burger September 22 1973 Kissinger s mother Paula holds the Bible as President Nixon looks on Kissinger served as National Security Advisor and Secretary of State under President Richard Nixon and continued as Secretary of State under Nixon s successor Gerald Ford 41 With the death of George Shultz in February 2021 Kissinger is the last surviving member of the Nixon administration Cabinet 10 The relationship between Nixon and Kissinger was unusually close and has been compared to the relationships of Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House or Franklin D Roosevelt and Harry Hopkins 42 In all three cases the State Department was relegated to a backseat role in developing foreign policy 43 Kissinger and Nixon shared a penchant for secrecy and conducted numerous backchannel negotiations such as that through the Soviet Ambassador to the United States Anatoly Dobrynin that excluded State Department experts Historian David Rothkopf has looked at the personalities of Nixon and Kissinger They were a fascinating pair In a way they complemented each other perfectly Kissinger was the charming and worldly Mr Outside who provided the grace and intellectual establishment respectability that Nixon lacked disdained and aspired to Kissinger was an international citizen Nixon very much a classic American Kissinger had a worldview and a facility for adjusting it to meet the times Nixon had pragmatism and a strategic vision that provided the foundations for their policies Kissinger would of course say that he was not political like Nixon but in fact he was just as political as Nixon just as calculating just as relentlessly ambitious these self made men were driven as much by their need for approval and their neuroses as by their strengths 44 A proponent of Realpolitik Kissinger played a dominant role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977 In that period he extended the policy of detente This policy led to a significant relaxation in US Soviet tensions and played a crucial role in 1971 talks with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai The talks concluded with a rapprochement between the United States and China and the formation of a new strategic anti Soviet Sino American alignment He was jointly awarded the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize with Le Đức Thọ for helping to establish a ceasefire and U S withdrawal from Vietnam The ceasefire however was not durable 45 Thọ declined to accept the award 46 and Kissinger appeared deeply ambivalent about it he donated his prize money to charity did not attend the award ceremony and later offered to return his prize medal 40 As National Security Advisor in 1974 Kissinger directed the much debated National Security Study Memorandum 200 Detente and the opening to China See also On China Kissinger shown here with Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong negotiated rapprochement with China Kissinger initially had little interest in China when he began his work as National Security Adviser in 1969 and the driving force being the rapprochement with China was Nixon 47 When Chiang Ching kuo arrived in Washington in April 1970 for a visit both Nixon and Kissinger promised him that they would never abandon Taiwan or make any compromises with Mao Zedong although Nixon did speak vaguely of his wish to improve relations with the People s Republic 48 Kissinger made two trips to China in July and October 1971 the first of which was made in secret to confer with Premier Zhou Enlai then in charge of Chinese foreign policy 49 During his visit to Beijing the main issue turned out to be Taiwan as Zhou demanded the United States recognize that Taiwan was a legitimate part of China pull U S forces out of Taiwan and end military support for the Kuomintang regime 50 Kissinger gave way by promising to pull U S forces out of Taiwan saying two thirds would be pulled out when the Vietnam war ended and the rest to be pulled out as Sino American relations improved 51 In October 1971 as Kissinger was making his second trip to the People s Republic the issue of which Chinese government deserved to be represented in the United Nations came up again 52 Out of concern to not be seen abandoning an ally the United States tried to promote a compromise under which both Chinese regimes would be UN members although Kissinger called it an essentially doomed rearguard action 53 While American ambassador to the UN George H W Bush was lobbying for the two Chinas formula Kissinger was removing favorable references to Taiwan from a speech that Rogers was preparing as he expected China to be expelled from the UN 54 During his second visit to Beijing Kissinger told Zhou that according to a public opinion poll 62 of Americans wanted Taiwan to remain a UN member and asked him to consider the two Chinas compromise to avoid offending American public opinion 55 Zhou responded with his claim that the People s Republic was the legitimate government of all China and no compromise was possible with the Taiwan issue 51 Kissinger said that the United States could not totally sever ties with Chiang who had been an ally in World War II Kissinger told Nixon that Bush was too soft and not sophisticated enough to properly represent the United States at the UN and expressed no anger when the UN General Assembly voted to expel Taiwan and give China s seat on the UN Security Council to the People s Republic 51 His trips paved the way for the groundbreaking 1972 summit between Nixon Zhou and Communist Party of China Chairman Mao Zedong as well as the formalization of relations between the two countries ending 23 years of diplomatic isolation and mutual hostility The result was the formation of a tacit strategic anti Soviet alliance between China and the United States Kissinger s diplomacy led to economic and cultural exchanges between the two sides and the establishment of liaison offices in the Chinese and American capitals though full normalization of relations with China would not occur until 1979 Vietnam War Main articles Vietnam War and Henry Kissinger and the Vietnam war See also Cambodian Civil War and Laotian Civil War Kissinger and President Richard Nixon discussing the Vietnam situation in Camp David 1972 Kissinger s involvement in Indochina started prior to his appointment as National Security Adviser to Nixon While still at Harvard he had worked as a consultant on foreign policy to both the White House and State Department In a 1967 peace initiative he would mediate between Washington and Hanoi When he came into office in 1969 Kissinger favored a negotiating strategy under which the United States and North Vietnam would sign an armistice and agreed to pull their troops out of South Vietnam while the South Vietnamese government and the Viet Cong were to agree to a coalition government 56 Kissinger had doubts about Nixon s theory of linkage believing that this would give the Soviet Union leverage over the United States and unlike Nixon was less concerned about the ultimate fate of South Vietnam 57 Though Kissinger did not regard South Vietnam as important in its own right he believed it was necessary to support South Vietnam to maintain the United States as a global power believing that none of America s allies would trust the United States if South Vietnam were abandoned too quickly 58 In early 1969 Kissinger was opposed to the plans for Operation Menu the bombing of Cambodia fearing that Nixon was acting rashly with no plans for the diplomatic fall out but on March 16 1969 Nixon announced the bombing would start the next day 59 As he saw the president was committed he became more and more supportive 60 Kissinger would play a key role in bombing Cambodia to disrupt raids into South Vietnam from Cambodia as well as the 1970 Cambodian Incursion and subsequent widespread bombing of Khmer Rouge targets in Cambodia The Paris peace talks had become stalemated by late 1969 owing to the obstructionism of the South Vietnamese delegation 61 The South Vietnamese President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu did not want the United States to withdraw from Vietnam and out of frustration with him Kissinger decided to begin secret peace talks with Thọ in Paris parallel to the official talks that the South Vietnamese were unaware of 62 In June 1971 Kissinger supported Nixon s effort to ban the Pentagon Papers saying the hemorrhage of state secrets to the media was making diplomacy impossible 63 On August 1 1972 Kissinger met Thọ again in Paris and for first time he seemed willing to compromise saying that political and military terms of an armistice could be treated separately and hinted that his government was no longer willing to make the overthrow of Thiệu a precondition 64 On the evening of October 8 1972 at a secret meeting of Kissinger and Thọ in Paris came the decisive breakthrough in the talks 65 Thọ began with a very realistic and very simple proposal for a ceasefire that would see the Americans pull all their forces out of Vietnam in exchange for the release of all the POWs in North Vietnam 66 Kissinger accepted Thọ s offer as the best deal possible saying that the mutual withdrawal formula had to be abandoned as it been unobtainable through ten years of war We could not make it a condition for a final settlement We had long passed that threshold 66 In the fall of 1972 both Kissinger and Nixon were frustrated with Thiệu s refusal to accept any sort of peace deal calling for withdrawal of American forces 67 On October 21 Kissinger and the American ambassador Ellsworth Bunker arrived in Saigon to show Thiệu the peace agreement 67 Thiệu refused to sign the peace agreement and demanded very extensive amendments that Kissinger reported to Nixon verge on insanity 67 Though Nixon had initially supported Kissinger against Thiệu H R Haldeman and John Ehrlichman urged him to reconsider arguing that Thiệu s objections had merit 68 Nixon wanted 69 amendments to the draft peace agreement included in the final treaty and ordered Kissinger back to Paris to force Thọ to accept them 68 Kissinger regarded Nixon s 69 amendments as preposterous as he knew Thọ would never accept them 68 As expected Thọ refused to consider any of the 69 amendments and on December 13 1972 left Paris for Hanoi 69 Kissinger by this stage was worked up into a state of fury after Thọ walked out of the Paris talks and told Nixon They re just a bunch of shits Tawdry filthy shits 69 On January 8 1973 Kissinger and Thọ met again in Paris and the next day reached an agreement which in main points was essentially the same as the one Nixon had rejected in October with only cosmetic concessions to the Americans 70 Thiệu once again rejected the peace agreement only to receive an ultimatum from Nixon which caused Thiệu to reluctantly accept the peace agreement 71 On January 27 1973 Kissinger and Thọ signed a peace agreement that called for the complete withdrawal of all U S forces from Vietnam by March in exchange for North Vietnam freeing all the U S POWs 71 Along with Thọ Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on December 10 1973 for their work in negotiating the ceasefires contained in the Paris Peace Accords on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam signed the previous January 45 According to Irwin Abrams this prize was the most controversial to date For the first time in the history of the Peace Prize two members left the Nobel Committee in protest 4 72 Thọ rejected the award telling Kissinger that peace had not been restored in South Vietnam 73 Kissinger wrote to the Nobel Committee that he accepted the award with humility 74 75 and donated the entire proceeds to the children of American servicemembers killed or missing in action in Indochina 76 After the Fall of Saigon in 1975 Kissinger attempted to return the award 76 77 By the summer of 1974 the U S embassy reported that morale in the ARVN had fallen to dangerously low levels and it was uncertain how much longer South Vietnam would last 78 In August 1974 Congress passed a bill limiting American aid to South Vietnam to 700 million annually 79 By November 1974 Kissinger lobbied Brezhnev to end Soviet military aid to North Vietnam 80 The same month he also lobbied Mao and Zhou to end Chinese military aid to North Vietnam 80 On April 15 1975 Kissinger testified before the Senate Appropriations Committee urging Congress to increase the military aid budget to South Vietnam by another 700 million to save the ARVN as the PAVN was rapidly advancing on Saigon which was refused 81 Kissinger maintained at the time and still maintains that if only Congress had approved of his request for another 700 million South Vietnam would have been saved 82 Bangladesh Liberation War Further information Bangladesh Liberation War 1971 Bangladesh genocide and Indo Pakistani War of 1971 Kissinger in the West Wing as National Security Adviser Nixon supported Pakistan s strongman General Yahya Khan in the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971 Kissinger sneered at people who bleed for the dying Bengalis and ignored the first telegram from the United States consul general in East Pakistan Archer K Blood and 20 members of his staff which informed the US that their allies West Pakistan were undertaking in Blood s words a selective genocide targeting the Bengali intelligentsia supporters of independence for East Pakistan and the Hindu minority 83 In the second more famous Blood Telegram the word genocide was again used to describe the events and further that with its continuing support for West Pakistan the US government had evidenced moral bankruptcy 84 As a direct response to the dissent against US policy Kissinger and Nixon ended Archer Blood s tenure as United States consul general in East Pakistan and put him to work in the State Department s Personnel Office 85 86 Christopher Clary argues that Nixon and Kissinger were unconsciously biased leading them to overestimate the likelihood of Pakistani victory against Bengali rebels 87 Kissinger was particularly concerned about the expansion of Soviet influence in the Indian Subcontinent as a result of a treaty of friendship recently signed by India and the USSR and sought to demonstrate to the People s Republic of China Pakistan s ally and an enemy of both India and the USSR the value of a tacit alliance with the United States 88 89 90 Kissinger had also come under fire for private comments he made to Nixon during the Bangladesh Pakistan War in which he described Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as a bitch and a witch He also said The Indians are bastards shortly before the war 91 Kissinger has since expressed his regret over the comments 92 Europe As National Security Adviser under Nixon Kissinger pioneered the policy of detente with the Soviet Union seeking a relaxation in tensions between the two superpowers As a part of this strategy he negotiated the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks culminating in the SALT I treaty and the Anti Ballistic Missile Treaty with Leonid Brezhnev General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party Negotiations about strategic disarmament were originally supposed to start under the Johnson Administration but were postponed in protest upon the invasion by Warsaw Pact troops of Czechoslovakia in August 1968 Nixon felt his administration had neglected relations with the Western European states in his first term and in September 1972 decided that if he was reelected that 1973 would be the Year of Europe as the United States would focus on relations with the states of the European Economic Community EEC which had emerged as a serious economic rival by 1970 93 Applying his favorite linkage concept Nixon intended henceforward economic relations with Europe would not be severed from security relations and if the EEC states wanted changes in American tariff and monetary policies the price would be defense spending on their part 94 Kissinger in particular as part of the Year of Europe wanted to revitalize NATO which he called a decaying alliance as he believed that there was nothing at present to stop the Red Army from overrunning Western Europe in a conventional forces conflict 95 The linkage concept more applied to the question of security as Kissinger noted that the United States was going to sacrifice NATO for the sake of citrus fruits 96 Israeli policy and Soviet Jewry Kissinger sits in the Oval Office with President Nixon and Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir 1973 According to notes taken by H R Haldeman Nixon ordered his aides to exclude all Jewish Americans from policy making on Israel including Kissinger 97 One note quotes Nixon as saying get K Kissinger out of the play Haig handle it 97 In 1973 Kissinger did not feel that pressing the Soviet Union concerning the plight of Jews being persecuted there was in the interest of U S foreign policy In conversation with Nixon shortly after a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir on March 1 1973 Kissinger stated The emigration of Jews from the Soviet Union is not an objective of American foreign policy and if they put Jews into gas chambers in the Soviet Union it is not an American concern Maybe a humanitarian concern 98 The Arab Israeli dispute Main article Yom Kippur War In September 1973 Nixon fired Rogers as Secretary of State and replaced him with Kissinger He would later state he had not been given enough time to know the Middle East as he settled into the State Department 99 Kissinger later admitted that he was so engrossed with the Paris peace talks to end the Vietnam war that he and others in Washington missed the significance of the Egyptian Saudi alliance Sadat expected as a reward that the United States would respond by pressuring Israel to return the Sinai to Egypt but after receiving no response from the United States by November 1972 Sadat moved again closer to the Soviet Union buying a massive amount of Soviet arms for a war he planned to launch against Israel in 1973 Kissinger delayed telling President Richard Nixon about the start of the Yom Kippur War in 1973 to keep him from interfering On October 6 1973 the Israelis informed Kissinger about the attack at 6 am Kissinger waited nearly 3 and a half hours before he informed Nixon 100 According to Kissinger he was notified at 6 30 a m 12 30 pm Israel time that war was imminent and his urgent calls to the Soviets and Egyptians were ineffective On October 12 under Nixon s direction and against Kissinger s initial advice 101 while Kissinger was on his way to Moscow to discuss conditions for a cease fire Nixon sent a message to Brezhnev giving Kissinger full negotiating authority 102 Kissinger wanted to stall a ceasefire to gain more time for Israel to push across the Suez Canal to the African side and wanted to be perceived as a mere presidential emissary who needed to consult the White House all the time as a stalling tactic 102 On October 31 1973 Egyptian Foreign Minister Ismail Fahmi left meets with Richard Nixon middle and Henry Kissinger right about a week after the end of fighting in the Yom Kippur War Kissinger promised the Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir that the United States would replace its losses in equipment after the war but sought initially to delay arm shipments to Israel as he believed it would improve the odds of making peace along the lines of United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 103 In 1973 Meir requested 850 million worth of American arms and equipment to replace its material losses 104 Nixon instead sent some 2 billion worth 105 The arms lift enraged King Faisal of Saudi Arabia and he retaliated on October 20 1973 by placing a total embargo on oil shipments to the United States to be joined by all of the other oil producing Arab states except Iraq and Libya 106 On November 7 1973 Kissinger flew to Riyadh to meet King Faisal and to ask him to end the oil embargo in exchange for promising to be even handed in the Arab Israeli dispute 107 Despite all of Kissinger s efforts to charm him Faisal refused to end the oil embargo 108 Only on March 19 1974 did the king end the oil embargo after Sadat reported to him that the United States was being more even handed and after Kissinger had promised to sell Saudi Arabia weapons that it had previously denied under the grounds that they might be used against Israel 109 Kissinger pressured the Israelis to cede some of the newly captured land back to its Arab neighbors contributing to the first phases of Israeli Egyptian non aggression In 1973 74 Kissinger engaged in shuttle diplomacy flying between Tel Aviv Cairo and Damascus in a bid to make the armistice the basis of a preferment peace Kissinger s first meeting with Hafez al Assad lasted 6 hours and 30 minutes causing the press to believe for a moment that he had been kidnapped by the Syrians 110 In his memoirs Kissinger described how during the course of his 28 meetings in Damascus in 1973 74 Assad negotiated tenaciously and daringly like a riverboat gambler to make sure he had exacted the last sliver of available concessions 110 In contrast Kissinger s negotiations with Sadat through not without difficulties were more fruitful The move saw a warming in U S Egyptian relations bitter since the 1950s as the country moved away from its former independent stance and into a close partnership with the United States The Persian Gulf A major concern for Kissinger was the possibility of Soviet influence in the Persian Gulf In April 1969 Iraq came into conflict with Iran when Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi renounced the 1937 treaty governing the Shatt al Arab river After two years of skirmishes along the border President Ahmed Hassan al Bakr broke off diplomatic relations with Iran on December 1 1971 111 In May 1972 Nixon and Kissinger visited Tehran to tell the Shah that there would be no second guessing of his requests to buy American weapons 111 At the same time Nixon and Kissinger agreed a plan of the Shah s that the United States together with Iran and Israel would support the Kurdish peshmerga guerrillas fighting for independence from Iraq 111 Kissinger later wrote that after Vietnam there was no possibility of deploying American forces in the Middle East and henceforward Iran was to act as America s surrogate in the Persian Gulf 112 Kissinger described the Baathist regime in Iraq as a potential threat to the United States and believed that building up Iran and supporting the peshmerga was the best counterweight 112 Turkish invasion of Cyprus See also Turkish invasion of Cyprus Following a period of steady relations between the U S Government and the Greek military regime after 1967 Secretary of State Kissinger was faced with the coup by the Greek junta and the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in July and August 1974 In an August 1974 edition of The New York Times it was revealed that Kissinger and State Department were informed in advance of the impending coup by the Greek junta in Cyprus Indeed according to the journalist 113 the official version of events as told by the State Department was that it felt it had to warn the Greek military regime not to carry out the coup Kissinger was a target of anti American sentiment which was a significant feature of Greek public opinion at the time particularly among young people viewing the U S role in Cyprus as negative In a demonstration by students in Heraklion Crete 114 115 soon after the second phase of the Turkish invasion in August 1974 slogans such as Kissinger murderer Americans get out No to Partition and Cyprus is no Vietnam were heard Some years later Kissinger expressed the opinion that the Cyprus issue was resolved in 1974 116 Latin American policy See also Latin America United States relations Ford and Kissinger conversing on the White House grounds August 1974 The United States continued to recognize and maintain relationships with non left wing governments democratic and authoritarian alike John F Kennedy s Alliance for Progress was ended in 1973 In 1974 negotiations over a new settlement for the Panama Canal began and they eventually led to the Torrijos Carter Treaties and the handing over of the Canal to Panamanian control Kissinger initially supported the normalization of United States Cuba relations broken since 1961 all U S Cuban trade was blocked in February 1962 a few weeks after the exclusion of Cuba from the Organization of American States because of U S pressure However he quickly changed his mind and followed Kennedy s policy After the involvement of the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces in the independence struggles in Angola and Mozambique Kissinger said that unless Cuba withdrew its forces relations would not be normalized Cuba refused Intervention in Chile Main article United States intervention in Chile 1970 election Chilean Socialist Party presidential candidate Salvador Allende was elected by a plurality of 36 2 percent in 1970 causing serious concern in Washington D C due to his openly socialist and pro Cuban politics The Nixon administration with Kissinger s input authorized the Central Intelligence Agency CIA to encourage a military coup that would prevent Allende s inauguration but the plan was not successful 117 118 119 115 119 495 120 177 On September 11 1973 Allende died during a military coup launched by Army Commander in Chief Augusto Pinochet who became president 121 In September 1976 Orlando Letelier a Chilean opponent of the new Pinochet regime was assassinated in Washington D C with a car bomb Previously Kissinger had helped secure his release from prison 122 and had chosen to cancel a letter to Chile warning them against carrying out any political assassinations 123 This murder was part of Operation Condor a covert program of political repression and assassination carried out by Southern Cone nations that Kissinger has been accused of being involved in 124 125 On September 10 2001 the family of Chilean general Rene Schneider filed a suit against Kissinger accusing him of collaborating in arranging Schneider s kidnapping which resulted in his death 126 The case was later dismissed by a U S District Court citing separation of powers The decision to support a coup of the Chilean government to prevent Dr Allende from coming to power and the means by which the United States Government sought to effect that goal implicate policy makers in the murky realm of foreign affairs and national security best left to the political branches 127 Decades later the CIA admitted its involvement in the kidnapping of General Schneider but not his murder and subsequently paid the group responsible for his death 35 000 to keep the prior contact secret maintain the goodwill of the group and for humanitarian reasons 128 129 Argentina See also Dirty War Kissinger took a similar line as he had toward Chile when the Argentine Armed Forces led by Jorge Videla toppled the elected government of Isabel Peron in 1976 with a process called the National Reorganization Process by the military with which they consolidated power launching brutal reprisals and disappearances against political opponents An October 1987 investigative report in The Nation broke the story of how in a June 1976 meeting in the Hotel Carrera in Santiago Kissinger gave the military junta in neighboring Argentina the green light for their own clandestine repression against leftwing guerrillas and other dissidents thousands of whom were kept in more than 400 secret concentration camps before they were executed During a meeting with Argentine foreign minister Cesar Augusto Guzzetti Kissinger assured him that the United States was an ally but urged him to get back to normal procedures quickly before the U S Congress reconvened and had a chance to consider sanctions 130 131 132 133 As the article published in The Nation noted as the state sponsored terror mounted conservative Republican U S Ambassador to Buenos Aires Robert C Hill was shaken he became very disturbed by the case of the son of a thirty year embassy employee a student who was arrested never to be seen again recalled former New York Times reporter Juan de Onis 134 Hill took a personal interest He went to the Interior Minister a general with whom he had worked on drug cases saying Hey what about this We re interested in this case He questioned Foreign Minister Cesar Guzzetti and finally President Jorge R Videla himself All he got was stonewalling he got nowhere de Onis said His last year was marked by increasing disillusionment and dismay and he backed his staff on human rights right to the hilt 135 In a letter to The Nation editor Victor Navasky protesting publication of the article Kissinger claimed that At any rate the notion of Hill as a passionate human rights advocate is news to all his former associates Yet Kissinger aide Harry W Shlaudeman later disagreed with Kissinger telling the oral historian William E Knight of the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project It really came to a head when I was Assistant Secretary or it began to come to a head in the case of Argentina where the dirty war was in full flower Bob Hill who was Ambassador then in Buenos Aires a very conservative Republican politician by no means liberal or anything of the kind began to report quite effectively about what was going on this slaughter of innocent civilians supposedly innocent civilians this vicious war that they were conducting underground war He at one time in fact sent me a back channel telegram saying that the Foreign Minister who had just come for a visit to Washington and had returned to Buenos Aires had gloated to him that Kissinger had said nothing to him about human rights I don t know I wasn t present at the interview 136 Navasky later wrote in his book about being confronted by Kissinger Tell me Mr Navasky Kissinger said in his famous guttural tones how is it that a short article in a obscure journal such as yours about a conversation that was supposed to have taken place years ago about something that did or didn t happen in Argentina resulted in sixty people holding placards denouncing me a few months ago at the airport when I got off the plane in Copenhagen 137 According to declassified state department files Kissinger also hindered Carter Administration s efforts to halt the mass killings by the 1976 83 military dictatorship by visiting the country and praising the regime 138 Rhodesia In September 1976 Kissinger was actively involved in negotiations regarding the Rhodesian Bush War Kissinger along with South Africa s Prime Minister John Vorster pressured Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith to hasten the transition to black majority rule in Rhodesia With FRELIMO in control of Mozambique and even the apartheid regime of South Africa withdrawing its support Rhodesia s isolation was nearly complete According to Smith s autobiography Kissinger told Smith of Mrs Kissinger s admiration for him but Smith stated that he thought Kissinger was asking him to sign Rhodesia s death certificate Kissinger bringing the weight of the United States and corralling other relevant parties to put pressure on Rhodesia hastened the end of minority rule 139 East Timor Main article Indonesian occupation of East Timor Suharto with Gerald Ford and Kissinger in Jakarta on December 6 1975 one day before the Indonesian invasion of East Timor The Portuguese decolonization process brought U S attention to the former Portuguese colony of East Timor which declared its independence in 1975 Indonesian president Suharto regarded East Timor as rightfully part of Indonesia In December 1975 Suharto discussed invasion plans during a meeting with Kissinger and President Ford in the Indonesian capital of Jakarta Both Ford and Kissinger made clear that U S relations with Indonesia would remain strong and that it would not object to the proposed annexation 140 They only wanted it done fast and proposed that it be delayed until after they had returned to Washington 141 Accordingly Suharto delayed the operation for one day Finally on December 7 Indonesian forces invaded the former Portuguese colony U S arms sales to Indonesia continued and Suharto went ahead with the annexation plan According to Ben Kiernan the invasion and occupation resulted in the deaths of nearly a quarter of the Timorese population from 1975 to 1981 142 Cuba In February 1976 Kissinger considered launching air strikes against ports and military installations in Cuba as well as deploying Marine battalions based at the US Navy base at Guantanamo Bay in retaliation for Cuban President Fidel Castro s decision in late 1975 to send troops to newly independent Angola to help the MPLA in its fight against UNITA and South Africa during the start of the Angolan Civil War 143 Western Sahara See also Western Sahara conflict and Advisory opinion on Western Sahara The Kissingerian doctrine endorsed the forced concession of Spanish Sahara to Morocco 144 At the height of the 1975 Sahara crisis Kissinger misled Gerald Ford into thinking the International Court of Justice had ruled in favor of Morocco 145 Kissinger was aware in advance of the Moroccan plans for the invasion of the territory materialized on November 6 1975 in the so called Green March 145 Later roles Kissinger meeting with President Ronald Reagan in the White House family quarters 1981 Kissinger left office when Democrat Jimmy Carter defeated Republican Gerald Ford in the 1976 presidential elections Kissinger continued to participate in policy groups such as the Trilateral Commission and to maintain political consulting speaking and writing engagements After Kissinger left office in 1977 he was offered an endowed chair at Columbia University There was student opposition to the appointment which became a subject of media commentary 146 147 Columbia canceled the appointment as a result Kissinger was then appointed to Georgetown University s Center for Strategic and International Studies 148 He taught at Georgetown s Edmund Walsh School of Foreign Service for several years in the late 1970s In 1982 with the help of a loan from the international banking firm of E M Warburg Pincus and Company 38 Kissinger founded a consulting firm Kissinger Associates and is a partner in affiliate Kissinger McLarty Associates with Mack McLarty former chief of staff to President Bill Clinton 149 He also serves on the board of directors of Hollinger International a Chicago based newspaper group 150 and as of March 1999 was a director of Gulfstream Aerospace 151 In September 1989 the Wall Street Journal s John Fialka disclosed that Kissinger took a direct economic interest in US China relations in March 1989 with the establishment of China Ventures Inc a Delaware limited partnership of which he was chairman of the board and chief executive officer A US 75 million investment in a joint venture with the Communist Party government s primary commercial vehicle at the time China International Trust amp Investment Corporation CITIC was its purpose Board members were major clients of Kissinger Associates Kissinger was criticised for not disclosing his role in the venture when called upon by ABC s Peter Jennings to comment the morning after the June 4 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre Kissinger s position was generally supportive of Deng Xiaoping s decision to use the military against the demonstrating students and he opposed economic sanctions 152 From 1995 to 2001 Kissinger served on the board of directors for Freeport McMoRan a multinational copper and gold producer with significant mining and milling operations in Papua Indonesia 153 In February 2000 then president of Indonesia Abdurrahman Wahid appointed Kissinger as a political advisor He also serves as an honorary advisor to the United States Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce In 1998 in response to the 2002 Winter Olympic bid scandal the International Olympic Committee formed a commission called the 2000 Commission to recommend reforms which Kissinger served on This service led in 2000 to his appointment as one of five IOC honor members a category the organization described as granted to eminent personalities from outside the IOC who have rendered particularly outstanding services to it 154 From 2000 to 2006 Kissinger served as chairman of the board of trustees of Eisenhower Fellowships In 2006 upon his departure from Eisenhower Fellowships he received the Dwight D Eisenhower Medal for Leadership and Service 155 In November 2002 he was appointed by President George W Bush to chair the newly established National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States to investigate the September 11 attacks 156 Kissinger stepped down as chairman on December 13 2002 rather than reveal his business client list when queried about potential conflicts of interest 157 In the Rio Tinto espionage case of 2009 2010 Kissinger was paid 5 million to advise the multinational mining company how to distance itself from an employee who had been arrested in China for bribery 158 President Donald Trump meeting with Kissinger on May 10 2017 Kissinger along with William Perry Sam Nunn and George Shultz has called upon governments to embrace the vision of a world free of nuclear weapons and in three Wall Street Journal op eds proposed an ambitious program of urgent steps to that end The four have created the Nuclear Threat Initiative to advance this agenda In 2010 the four were featured in a documentary film entitled Nuclear Tipping Point The film is a visual and historical depiction of the ideas laid forth in the Wall Street Journal op eds and reinforces their commitment to a world without nuclear weapons and the steps that can be taken to reach that goal In December 2008 Kissinger was given the American Patriot Award by the National Defense University Foundation in recognition for his distinguished career in public service 135 On November 17 2016 Kissinger met with then President elect Donald Trump during which they discussed global affairs 159 Kissinger also met with President Trump at the White House in May 2017 160 In an interview with Charlie Rose on August 17 2017 Kissinger said about President Trump I m hoping for an Augustinian moment for St Augustine who in his early life followed a pattern that was quite incompatible with later on when he had a vision and rose to sainthood One does not expect the president to become that but it s conceivable 161 Kissinger also argued that Russian President Vladimir Putin wanted to weaken Hillary Clinton not elect Donald Trump Kissinger said that Putin thought wrongly incidentally that she would be extremely confrontational I think he tried to weaken the incoming president Clinton 162 Views on U S foreign policy Yugoslav wars President Barack Obama discussing the New START Treaty between the U S and Russia 2010 In several articles of his and interviews that he gave during the Yugoslav wars he criticized the United States policies in Southeast Europe among other things for the recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a sovereign state which he described as a foolish act 163 Most importantly he dismissed the notion of Serbs and Croats being aggressors or separatist saying that they can t be separating from something that has never existed 164 In addition he repeatedly warned the West against inserting itself into a conflict that has its roots at least hundreds of years back in time and said that the West would do better if it allowed the Serbs and Croats to join their respective countries 164 Kissinger shared similarly critical views on Western involvement in Kosovo In particular he held a disparaging view of the Rambouillet Agreement The Rambouillet text which called on Serbia to admit NATO troops throughout Yugoslavia was a provocation an excuse to start bombing Rambouillet is not a document that any Serb could have accepted It was a terrible diplomatic document that should never have been presented in that form Henry Kissinger Daily Telegraph June 28 1999 However as the Serbs did not accept the Rambouillet text and NATO bombings started he opted for a continuation of the bombing as NATO s credibility was now at stake but dismissed the use of ground forces claiming that it was not worth it 165 Iraq Kissinger speaking during Gerald Ford s funeral in January 2007 In 2006 it was reported in the book State of Denial by Bob Woodward that Kissinger met regularly with President George W Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney to offer advice on the Iraq War 166 Kissinger confirmed in recorded interviews with Woodward 167 that the advice was the same as he had given in a column in The Washington Post on August 12 2005 Victory over the insurgency is the only meaningful exit strategy 168 In an interview on the BBC s Sunday AM on November 19 2006 Kissinger was asked whether there is any hope left for a clear military victory in Iraq and responded If you mean by military victory an Iraqi government that can be established and whose writ runs across the whole country that gets the civil war under control and sectarian violence under control in a time period that the political processes of the democracies will support I don t believe that is possible I think we have to redefine the course But I don t believe that the alternative is between military victory as it had been defined previously or total withdrawal 169 In an interview with Peter Robinson of the Hoover Institution on April 3 2008 Kissinger reiterated that even though he supported the 2003 invasion of Iraq 170 he thought that the George W Bush administration rested too much of its case for war on Saddam s supposed weapons of mass destruction Robinson noted that Kissinger had criticized the administration for invading with too few troops for disbanding the Iraqi Army and for mishandling relations with certain allies 171 India Kissinger said in April 2008 that India has parallel objectives to the United States and he called it an ally of the U S 171 China Angela Merkel and Kissinger were at the state funeral for former German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt November 23 2015 Kissinger was present at the opening ceremony of the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics 172 A few months before the Games opened as controversy over China s human rights record was intensifying due to criticism by Amnesty International and other groups of the widespread use of the death penalty and other issues Kissinger told the PRC s official press agency Xinhua I think one should separate Olympics as a sporting event from whatever political disagreements people may have had with China I expect that the games will proceed in the spirit for which they were designed which is friendship among nations and that other issues are discussed in other forums He said China had made huge efforts to stage the Games Friends of China should not use the Olympics to pressure China now He added that he would bring two of his grandchildren to watch the Games and planned to attend the opening ceremony 173 During the Games he participated with Australian swimmer Ian Thorpe film star Jackie Chan and former British PM Tony Blair at a Peking University forum on the qualities that make a champion 174 He sat with his wife Nancy Kissinger President George W Bush former President George H W Bush and Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi at the men s basketball game between China and the U S 175 In 2011 Kissinger published On China chronicling the evolution of Sino American relations and laying out the challenges to a partnership of genuine strategic trust between the U S and China 176 In his 2011 book On China his 2014 book World Order and in a 2018 interview with Financial Times Kissinger stated that he believes China wants to restore its historic role as the Middle Kingdom and be the principal adviser to all humanity 177 178 179 In 2020 during a period of worsening Sino American relations caused by the COVID 19 pandemic the Hong Kong protests and the U S China trade war Kissinger expressed concerns that the United States and China are entering a Second Cold War and will eventually become embroiled in a military conflict similar to World War I He called for Chinese President Xi Jinping and the incoming U S President elect Joe Biden to take a less confrontational foreign policy 180 Kissinger previously said that a potential war between China and the United States would be worse than the world wars that ruined European civilization 181 Iran Kissinger s position on this issue of U S Iran talks was reported by the Tehran Times to be that Any direct talks between the U S and Iran on issues such as the nuclear dispute would be most likely to succeed if they first involved only diplomatic staff and progressed to the level of secretary of state before the heads of state meet 182 In 2016 Kissinger said that the biggest challenge facing the Middle East is the potential domination of the region by an Iran that is both imperial and jihadist He further wrote in August 2017 that if the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps of Iran and its Shiite allies were allowed to fill the territorial vacuum left by a militarily defeated Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant the region would be left with a land corridor extending from Iran to the Levant which could mark the emergence of an Iranian radical empire 183 Commenting on the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action Kissinger said that he wouldn t have agreed to it but that Trump s plan to end the agreement after it was signed would enable the Iranians to do more than us 184 2014 Ukrainian crisis Henry Kissinger on April 26 2016 On March 5 2014 The Washington Post published an op ed piece by Kissinger 11 days before the Crimean referendum on whether Autonomous Republic of Crimea should officially rejoin Ukraine or join neighboring Russia 185 In it he attempted to balance the Ukrainian Russian and Western desires for a functional state He made four main points Ukraine should have the right to choose freely its economic and political associations including with Europe Ukraine should not join NATO a repetition of the position he took seven years before Ukraine should be free to create any government compatible with the expressed will of its people Wise Ukrainian leaders would then opt for a policy of reconciliation between the various parts of their country He imagined an international position for Ukraine like that of Finland Ukraine should maintain sovereignty over Crimea Kissinger also wrote The west speaks Ukrainian the east speaks mostly Russian Any attempt by one wing of Ukraine to dominate the other as has been the pattern would lead eventually to civil war or break up 185 Following the publication of his book titled World Order Kissinger participated in an interview with Charlie Rose and updated his position on Ukraine which he sees as a possible geographical mediator between Russia and the West 186 In a question he posed to himself for illustration regarding re conceiving policy regarding Ukraine Kissinger stated If Ukraine is considered an outpost then the situation is that its eastern border is the NATO strategic line and NATO will be within 200 miles 320 km of Volgograd That will never be accepted by Russia On the other hand if the Russian western line is at the border of Poland Europe will be permanently disquieted The Strategic objective should have been to see whether one can build Ukraine as a bridge between East and West and whether one can do it as a kind of a joint effort 187 In December 2016 Kissinger advised then President elect Donald Trump to accept Crimea as a part of Russia in an attempt to secure a rapprochement between the United States and Russia whose relations soured as a result of the Crimean crisis 188 When asked if he explicitly considered Russia s sovereignty over Crimea legitimate Kissinger answered in the affirmative reversing the position he took in his Washington Post op ed 189 Computers and nuclear weapons In 2019 Kissinger wrote about the increasing tendency to give control of nuclear weapons to computers operating with Artificial Intelligence AI that Adversaries ignorance of AI developed configurations will become a strategic advantage 190 Kissinger argued that giving power to launch nuclear weapons to computers using algorithms to make decisions would eliminate the human factor and give the advantage to the state that had the most effective AI system as a computer can make decisions about war and peace far faster than any human ever could 190 Just as an AI enhanced computer can win chess games by anticipating human decision making an AI enhanced computer could be useful in a crisis as in a nuclear war the side that strikes first would have the advantage by destroying the opponent s nuclear capacity Kissinger also noted there was always the danger that a computer would make a decision to start a nuclear war that before diplomacy had been exhausted or the algorithm controlling the AI might make a decision to start a nuclear war that would be not understandable to the operators 191 Kissinger also warned the use of AI to control nuclear weapons would impose opacity on the decision making process as the algorithms that control the AI system are not readily understandable destabilizing the decision making process grand strategy requires an understanding of the capabilities and military deployments of potential adversaries But if more and more intelligence becomes opaque how will policy makers understand the views and abilities of their adversaries and perhaps even allies Will many different internets emerge or in the end only one What will be the implications for cooperation For confrontation As AI becomes ubiquitous new concepts for its security need to emerge 191 COVID 19 pandemic On April 3 2020 Kissinger shared his diagnostic view of the COVID 19 pandemic saying that it threatens the liberal world order Kissinger added that the virus does not know borders although global leaders are trying to address the crisis on a mainly national basis He stressed that the key is not a purely national effort but greater international cooperation 1 Public perceptionAt the height of Kissinger s prominence many commented on his wit In February 1972 at the Washington Press Club annual congressional dinner Kissinger mocked his reputation as a secret swinger 192 The insight Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac is widely attributed to him although Kissinger was paraphrasing Napoleon Bonaparte 193 Four scholars at the College of William amp Mary ranked Kissinger as the most effective U S Secretary of State in the 50 years to 2015 9 A number of activists and human rights lawyers however have sought his prosecution for alleged war crimes 7 124 According to historian and Kissinger biographer Niall Ferguson however accusing Kissinger alone of war crimes requires a double standard because nearly all the secretaries of state and nearly all the presidents have taken similar actions But Ferguson continues this is not to say that it s all OK 194 Colin Powell Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau Secretary of State John Kerry and Kissinger in March 2016 Some have blamed Kissinger for injustices in American foreign policy during his tenure in government In September 2001 relatives and survivors of General Rene Schneider former head of the Chilean general staff filed civil proceedings in Federal Court in Washington DC and in April 2002 a petition for Kissinger s arrest was filed in the High Court in London by human rights campaigner Peter Tatchell 195 citing the destruction of civilian populations and the environment in Indochina during the years 1969 75 196 British American journalist and author Christopher Hitchens authored The Trial of Henry Kissinger in which Hitchens calls for the prosecution of Kissinger for war crimes for crimes against humanity and for offenses against common or customary or international law including conspiracy to commit murder kidnap and torture 197 198 199 200 Critics on the right such as Ray Takeyh have faulted Kissinger for his role in the Nixon administration s opening to China and secret negotiations with North Vietnam Takeyh writes that while rapprochement with China was a worthy goal the Nixon administration failed to achieve any meaningful concessions from Chinese officials in return as China continued to support North Vietnam and various revolutionary forces throughout the Third World nor does there appear to be even a remote indirect connection between Nixon and Kissinger s diplomacy and the communist leadership s decision after Mao s bloody rule to move away from a communist economy towards state capitalism 77 source source Nixon s and Kissinger s conversation on October 6 1972 Historian Jeffrey Kimball developed the theory that Kissinger and the Nixon administration accepted a South Vietnamese collapse provided a face saving decent interval passed between American withdrawal and defeat 201 In his first meeting with Zhou Enlai in 1971 Kissinger laid out in detail the settlement terms that would produce such a delayed defeat total American withdrawal return of all American POWs and a ceasefire in place for 18 months or some period in the words of historian Ken Hughes 202 On October 6 1972 Kissinger told Nixon twice that the terms of the Paris Peace Accords would probably destroy South Vietnam I also think that Thieu is right that our terms will eventually destroy him 203 204 However Kissinger denied using a decent interval strategy writing All of us who negotiated the agreement of October 12 were convinced that we had vindicated the anguish of a decade not by a decent interval but by a decent settlement 205 Johannes Kadura offers a positive assessment of Nixon and Kissinger s strategy arguing that the two men simultaneously maintained a Plan A of further supporting Saigon and a Plan B of shielding Washington should their maneuvers prove futile According to Kadura the decent interval concept has been largely misrepresented in that Nixon and Kissinger sought to gain time make the North turn inward and create a perpetual equilibrium rather than acquiescing in the collapse of South Vietnam 206 Kissinger s record was brought up during the 2016 Democratic Party presidential primaries Hillary Clinton had cultivated a close relationship with Kissinger describing him as a friend and a source of counsel 207 During the Democratic Primary Debates Clinton touted 208 Kissinger s praise for her record as Secretary of State 209 In response candidate Bernie Sanders issued a critique of Kissinger s foreign policy declaring I am proud to say that Henry Kissinger is not my friend I will not take advice from Henry Kissinger 210 Family and personal life Henry and Nancy Kissinger at the Metropolitan Opera opening in 2008 Nancy and Henry Kissinger in their New York apartment with their dog Tyler 1978 Kissinger married Ann Fleischer on February 6 1949 They had two children Elizabeth and David and divorced in 1964 On March 30 1974 he married Nancy Maginnes 211 212 They now live in Kent Connecticut and in New York City Kissinger s son David Kissinger served as an executive with NBCUniversal before becoming head of Conaco Conan O Brien s production company 213 In February 1982 at the age of 58 Henry Kissinger underwent coronary bypass surgery Kissinger described Diplomacy as his favorite game in a 1973 interview 214 Soccer Daryl Grove characterised Kissinger as one of the most influential people in the growth of soccer in the United States 215 Kissinger was named chairman of the North American Soccer League board of directors in 1978 216 Since his childhood Kissinger has been a fan of his hometown s soccer club SpVgg Greuther Furth Even during his time in office the German Embassy informed him about the team s results every Monday morning He is an honorary member 217 with lifetime season tickets 218 In September 2012 Kissinger attended a home game in which SpVgg Greuther Furth lost 0 2 against Schalke after promising years ago he would attend a Greuther Furth home game if they were promoted to the Bundesliga the top football league in Germany from the 2 Bundesliga 219 Awards honors and associationsKissinger and Le Duc Tho were jointly offered the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize for their work on the Paris Peace Accords which prompted the withdrawal of American forces from the Vietnam war Le Duc Tho declined to accept the award on the grounds that such bourgeois sentimentalities were not for him 40 and that peace had not actually been achieved in Vietnam Kissinger donated his prize money to charity did not attend the award ceremony and later offered to return his prize medal after the fall of South Vietnam to North Vietnamese forces 18 months later 40 In 1973 Kissinger received the U S Senator John Heinz Award for Greatest Public Service by an Elected or Appointed Official an award given out annually by Jefferson Awards 220 In 1976 Kissinger became the first honorary member of the Harlem Globetrotters 221 222 Kissinger at the LBJ Library in 2016 On January 13 1977 Kissinger received the Presidential Medal of Freedom from President Gerald Ford President Ford General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev and Kissinger speaking informally at the Vladivostok Summit in 1974 In 1980 Kissinger won the National Book Award in History a for the first volume of his memoirs The White House Years 223 In 1986 Kissinger was one of twelve recipients of the Medal of Liberty In 1995 he was made an honorary Knight Commander of the Most Distinguished Order of St Michael and St George 224 In 2000 Kissinger received the Sylvanus Thayer Award at United States Military Academy at West Point 225 In 2002 Kissinger became an honorary member of the International Olympic Committee 226 On March 1 2012 Kissinger was awarded Israel s President s Medal In October 2013 Kissinger was awarded the Henry A Grunwald Award for Public Service by Lighthouse International Kissinger was a member of the Founding Council of the Rothermere American Institute University of Oxford 227 Kissinger is a member of the following groups Aspen Institute 228 Atlantic Council 229 Bilderberg Group 230 231 Bohemian Club 232 Council on Foreign Relations 233 Center for Strategic and International Studies 234 World Minds 235 236 Kissinger served on the board of Theranos a health technology company 237 from 2014 to 2017 238 He received the Theodore Roosevelt American Experience Award from the Union League Club of New York in 2009 He became the Honorary Chair of the advisory board for the Bloomberg New Economy Forum 239 in 2018 Writings major booksMemoirs 1979 The White House Years ISBN 0316496618 National Book Award History Hardcover 223 a 1982 Years of Upheaval ISBN 0316285919 1999 Years of Renewal ISBN 0684855712Public policy 1957 A World Restored Metternich Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace 1812 22 ISBN 0395172292 1957 Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy ISBN 0865317453 1984 edition 1961 The Necessity for Choice Prospects of American Foreign Policy ISBN 0060124105 1965 The Troubled Partnership A Re Appraisal of the Atlantic Alliance ISBN 0070348952 1969 American Foreign Policy Three Essays ISBN 0297179330 1981 For the Record Selected Statements 1977 1980 ISBN 0316496634 1985 Observations Selected Speeches and Essays 1982 1984 ISBN 0316496642 1994 Diplomacy ISBN 067165991X 1999 Kissinger Transcripts The Top Secret Talks With Beijing and Moscow Henry Kissinger William Burr ISBN 1565844807 2001 Does America Need a Foreign Policy Toward a Diplomacy for the 21st Century ISBN 0684855674 2002 Vietnam A Personal History of America s Involvement in and Extrication from the Vietnam War ISBN 0743219163 2003 Crisis The Anatomy of Two Major Foreign Policy Crises Based on the Record of Henry Kissinger s Hitherto Secret Telephone Conversations ISBN 978 0743249119 2011 On China New York Penguin Press 2011 ISBN 978 1594202711 2014 World Order New York Penguin Press September 9 2014 ISBN 978 1594206146 See alsoList of foreign born United States Cabinet SecretariesNotes a b This was the 1980 award for hardcover History From 1980 to 1983 there were dual hardcover and paperback awards in most categories and multiple nonfiction subcategories Most of the paperback award winners were reprints including Kissinger s References a b Kissinger Henry A April 3 2020 The Coronavirus Pandemic Will Forever Alter the World Order The Wall Street Journal Retrieved April 20 2020 Kissinger Definition from the Merriam Webster Online Dictionary Merriam Webster Retrieved October 23 2009 The Nobel Peace Prize 1973 NobelPrize org Retrieved February 4 2019 a b Feldman Burton 2001 The Nobel Prize A History Of Genius Controversy and Prestige Arcade Publishing p 16 ISBN 978 1 55970 537 0 a b Henry Kissinger Realpolitik and Kurdish Genocide The Kurdistan Tribune March 24 2013 Retrieved March 1 2019 Bass Gary September 21 2013 Blood Meridian The Economist Retrieved February 13 2016 a b Protesters Heckle Kissinger Denounce Him for War Crimes The Times of Israel January 30 2015 Retrieved December 14 2015 Nevius James February 13 2016 Does Hillary Clinton see that invoking Henry Kissinger harms her campaign The Guardian Retrieved October 23 2016 many consider Kissinger a war criminal most famously Christopher Hitchens who in a lengthy two part article for Harper s in 2001 later expanded into the book and documentary The Trial of Henry Kissinger laid out his case that Kissinger should be brought up on charges for war crimes for crimes against humanity and for offenses against common or customary or international law including conspiracy to commit murder kidnap and torture a b The Best International Relations Schools in the World Foreign Policy February 3 2015 Retrieved August 8 2015 a b Robertson Nicky Cole Devan Former Secretary of State George Shultz dead at age 100 CNN Retrieved February 21 2021 Isaacson 1992 p 20 Die Kissingers in Bad Kissingen The Kissingers in Bad Kissingen in German Bayerischer Rundfunk June 2 2005 Archived from the original on October 18 2007 Retrieved February 3 2007 Hesse Uli February 17 2012 Go Furth and Conquer ESPN Soccernet Retrieved May 3 2012 a b c Henry Kissinger Biography Retrieved November 23 2020 Kissinger My Family Escaped the Horrors of the Holocaust by Just a Few Months Algemeiner com Retrieved November 23 2020 Welle www dw com Deutsche New Books Explore Henry Kissinger s German Jewish Roots DW June 29 2007 DW COM Retrieved November 23 2020 Thomas A Schwartz 2011 Henry Kissinger Realism Domestic Politics and the Struggle Against Exceptionalism in American Foreign Policy Diplomacy amp Statecraft 22 1 121 141 DOI 10 1080 09592296 2011 549746 a b Isaacson 1992 p 37 Bygone Days Complex Jew Inside Kissinger s soul The Jerusalem Post Archived from the original on July 13 2011 Retrieved September 4 2008 Isaacson 1992 p 38 Isaacson 1992 pp 39 48 Isaacson 1992 p 48 Isaacson 1992 p 49 Isaacson 1992 p 53 Isaacson 1992 p 55 Henry Kissinger at Large Part One PBS January 29 2004 Retrieved February 13 2016 PBK Famous Members Depts washington edu Retrieved March 17 2017 Draper Theodore September 6 1992 Little Heinz and Big Henry The New York Times Retrieved December 30 2006 Ferguson Niall 2016 Kissinger 1923 1968 The Idealist Penguin Books p 237 Kissinger and the Meaning of History Foreign Affairs An American Quarterly Review January 28 2009 ISSN 0015 7120 Retrieved November 22 2019 The meaning of history reflections on Spengler Toynbee and Kant hollis harvard edu Retrieved November 22 2019 a b c d Henry Kissinger Biography NobelPrize org Retrieved December 30 2006 Kissinger Henry 1954 Peace legitimacy and the equilibrium a study of the statesmanship of Castlereagh and Metternich Thesis Cambridge Mass Kissinger OCLC 63222254 Campbell Kurt M Doshi Rush January 12 2021 How America Can Shore Up Asian Order A Strategy for Restoring Balance and Legitimacy Foreign Affairs a b c Buchan Alastair July 1974 The Irony of Henry Kissinger International Affairs 50 3 369 doi 10 2307 2616401 JSTOR 2616401 Kissinger Henry 1957 Nuclear weapons and foreign policy Harper amp Brothers p 455 ISBN 978 0 393 00494 6 Buchan Alastair July 1974 The Irony of Henry Kissinger International Affairs 50 3 371 doi 10 2307 2616401 JSTOR 2616401 a b Rothbard Murray May 1991 Why the War The Kuwait Connection LewRockwell com Archived from the original on February 15 2016 Retrieved February 13 2016 a b Karnow 1983 p 585 Karnow 1983 p 596 History of the National Security Council 1947 1997 White House Archived from the original on January 21 2009 Retrieved December 30 2006 Robert S Litwak 1986 Detente and the Nixon Doctrine American Foreign Policy and the Pursuit of Stability 1969 1976 Cambridge UP p 48 ISBN 9780521338349 Geoffrey Warner Nixon Kissinger and the breakup of Pakistan 1971 International Affairs 81 5 2005 1097 1118 David Rothkopf Running the world the inside story of the National Security Council and the architects of American foreign policy 2004 pp 111 12 a b The Nobel Peace Prize 1973 Nobel Foundation Retrieved December 31 2006 The Nobel Peace Prize 1973 Henry Kissinger Le Duc Tho NobelPrize org Retrieved March 15 2015 Bernkopf Tucker Nancy June 2005 Taiwan Expendable Nixon and Kissinger Go to China The Journal of American History 92 1 117 Bernkopf Tucker 2005 p 119 Dube Clayton Getting to Beijing Henry Kissinger s Secret 1971 Trip USC U S China Institute Retrieved July 21 2011 Bernkopf Tucker 2005 p 122 a b c Bernkopf Tucker 2005 Bernkopf Tucker 2005 pp 128 130 Bernkopf Tucker 2005 p 130 Bernkopf Tucker 2005 p 131 Bernkopf Tucker 2005 p 132 Karnow 1983 p 588 Karnow 1983 pp 588 589 Karnow 1983 p 635 Karnow 1983 p 591 Karnow 1983 p 608 Karnow 1983 p 624 Karnow 1983 p 623 Karnow 1983 p 633 Karnow 1983 p 647 Karnow 1983 pp 647 648 a b Karnow 1983 p 648 a b c Karnow 1983 p 650 a b c Karnow 1983 p 651 a b Karnow 1983 p 652 Karnow 1983 pp 652 653 a b Karnow 1983 p 654 Abrams Irwin 2001 The Nobel Peace Prize and the Laureates An Illustrated Biographical History 1901 2001 Science History Pubns p 219 ISBN 978 0 88135 388 4 Le Duc Tho to Henry Kissinger October 27 1973 The Nobel Peace Prize 1973 Presentation Speech by Mrs Aase Lionaes Chairman of the Nobel Committee of the Norwegian Storting Nobel Foundation December 10 1973 Retrieved April 28 2007 In his letter of November 2 to the Nobel Committee Henry Kissinger expresses his deep sense of this obligation In the letter he writes among other things I am deeply moved by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize which I regard as the highest honor one could hope to achieve in the pursuit of peace on this earth When I consider the list of those who have been so honored before me I can only accept this award with humility This year Henry Kissinger was appointed Secretary of State in the United States In his letter to the Committee he writes as follows I greatly regret that because of the press of business in a world beset by recurrent crisis I shall be unable to come to Oslo on December 10 for the award ceremony I have accordingly designated Ambassador Byrne to represent me on that occasion Lundestad Geir March 15 2001 The Nobel Peace Prize 1901 2000 Nobel Foundation Retrieved December 31 2006 a b Dommen Arthur 2002 The Indochinese Experience of the French and the Americans Nationalism and Communism in Cambodia Laos and Vietnam Indiana University Press p 878 ISBN 9780253109255 a b Takeyh Ray June 13 2016 The Perils of Secret Diplomacy The Weekly Standard Retrieved June 28 2016 Karnow 1983 pp 660 661 Karnow 1983 p 661 a b Karnow 1983 p 664 Karnow 1983 p 666 Karnow 1983 p 7 Selective Genocide PDF Retrieved March 12 2015 Dissent from US Policy towards East Pakistan PDF Retrieved March 12 2015 Holley Joe September 23 2004 Archer K Blood Dissenting Diplomat The Washington Post Retrieved May 27 2014 Bass Gary April 23 2014 The act of defiance that infuriated Henry Kissinger The Globe and Mail Retrieved April 23 2014 Christopher Clary Tilting at windmills The flawed US policy toward the 1971 Indo Pakistani war Journal of Strategic Studies 42 5 2019 677 700 online The Tilt The U S and the South Asian Crisis of 1971 National Security Archive December 16 2002 Retrieved December 30 2006 Bass Gary September 29 2013 Nixon and Kissinger s Forgotten Shame The New York Times Retrieved May 27 2014 Dymond Jonny December 11 2011 The Blood Telegram BBC Radio Retrieved May 27 2014 Keefer Edward C Smith Louis J 2005 150 Conversation Among President Nixon the President s Assistant for National Security Affairs Kissinger and the President s Chief of Staff Haldeman Washington November 5 1971 8 15 9 00 am Foreign Relations 1969 1976 E 7 19 Retrieved December 30 2006 Kissinger regrets India comments BBC July 1 2005 Retrieved December 15 2006 Robb Thomas 2013 A strained partnership US UK relations in the era of detente 1969 77 Manchester University Press pp 75 76 ISBN 978 1 5261 2938 3 Robb Thomas 2013 A strained partnership US UK relations in the era of detente 1969 77 Manchester University Press pp 75 76 ISBN 978 1 5261 2938 3 Robb Thomas 2013 A strained partnership US UK relations in the era of detente 1969 77 Manchester University Press pp 75 76 ISBN 978 1 5261 2938 3 Robb Thomas 2013 A strained partnership US UK relations in the era of detente 1969 77 Manchester University Press p 78 ISBN 978 1 5261 2938 3 a b Chait Jonathan December 10 2010 Nixon Disallowed Jewish Advisors From Discussing Israel Policy The New Republic Nagourney Adam December 10 2010 In Tapes Nixon Rails About Jews and Blacks The New York Times Lacey 1981 p 402 Book says Kissinger delayed telling Nixon about Yom Kippur War Haaretz Reuters April 3 2007 Retrieved November 9 2012 Siniver Asaf 2008 Nixon Kissinger and U S Foreign Policy Making The Machinery of Crisis New York Cambridge p 188 ISBN 978 0 521 89762 4 a b Laor Yitzhak November 2 2013 Kissinger wants Israel to know The U S saved you during the 1973 war Haaretz Retrieved February 15 2014 Lacey 1981 p 408 Lacey 1981 pp 409 410 Arnon Gutfeld and Boaz Vanetik A Situation That Had to Be Manipulated The American Airlift to Israel During the Yom Kippur War Middle Eastern Studies 52 3 2016 419 447 Lacey 1981 pp 411 412 Lacey 1981 p 417 Lacey 1981 p 418 419 Lacey 1981 pp 420 421 a b Wright Robin April 11 2017 The Assad Family Nemesis to 9 U S Presidents The New Yorker Retrieved October 30 2019 a b c Zonis 1991 p 69 a b Zonis 1991 p 201 Article republished on the front page of the Greek newspaper To Vima issue of August 2 1974 article The Americans knew there was plan to overthrow Makarios Oἱ Ἀmerikanoi ἐgnwrizon ὅti ἑtoimazeto ἀnatroph toῦ Makarioy sthn Kypro photo reprint in the book series To Vima 90 years Vol XI 1972 1981 Lambrakis Press 2012 volume has extra text help Front page of the Greek newspaper To Vima issue of August 17 1974 articles The Cyprus crisis is Kissinger s Watergate To Kypriako eἶnai to Goywtergkeht toῦ k Kissingker and Anti American youth demonstration in Thessaloniki and Heraklion Ἀntiamerikanikh diadhlwsis newn eἰs thn 8essalonikhn kai eἰs to Ἡrakleion photo reprint in the book seriesTo Vima 90 years Vol XI 1972 1981 Lambrakis Press 2012 volume has extra text help To Vima August 17 1974 original text passages on the demonstrations 8essalonikh 16 Aὐgoystoy Siwphra ἀntiamerikanikh diadhlwsh ἐpragmatopoihsan shmera Kyprioi foithtai toῦ Panepisthmoy 8essalonikhs peripoy 150 dielh8hsan ἀrgoteron ἡsyxws Ἡrakleion 16 Aὐgoystoy Oἱ diadhlwtai ferontes ἑlhnikas shmaias kai eἰkonas toῦ Karamanlῆ kai toῦ Makarioy perihrxonto mexris ἀrga to brady kraygazontes syn8hmata ὅpws Dolofone Kissingker Ἔ3w oἱ Ἀmerikanoi Ὄxi dixotomhsh Zhtw ὁ Karmanlῆs Ἑnwmenoi Ἕllhnes Symparastash Lae Ὄxi ἡ Kypros Bietnam ὑpologizontai de eἰs 5 000 Mallinson William M 2011 Cyprus A Historical Overview PDF Republic of Cyprus Retrieved February 13 2016 Church Report U S Department of State December 18 1975 Archived from the original on September 11 2009 Retrieved November 20 2006 Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders 1975 Church Committee pp 246 247 250 254 a b Kornbluh Peter 2003 The Pinochet File A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability New York The New Press ISBN 978 1 56584 936 5 Kinzer Stephen 2006 Overthrow America s Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq New York Times Books ISBN 978 0 8050 8240 1 Pike John Allende s Leftist Regime Federation of American Scientists Retrieved November 20 2006 Binder David September 22 1976 Opponent of Chilean Junta Slain in Washington by Bomb in His Auto The New York Times Retrieved April 10 2010 Cable Ties Kissinger to Chile Scandal Associated Press on Boston com April 10 2010 Retrieved August 14 2014 As secretary of state Henry Kissinger cancelled a U S warning against carrying out international political assassinations that was to have gone to Chile and two neighboring nations just days before a former ambassador was killed by Chilean agents on Washington s Embassy Row in 1976 a newly released State Department cable shows a b Rohter Larry March 28 2002 As Door Opens for Legal Actions in Chilean Coup Kissinger Is Numbered Among the Hunted The New York Times ISSN 0362 4331 Retrieved December 14 2015 Greg Grandin Kissinger s Shadow The Long Reach of America s Most Controversial Statesman Metropolitan Books 2015 p 151 ISBN 1627794492 Family to Sue Kissinger For Death September 6 2001 CBS News Retrieved February 13 2016 Davis Jeff 2008 Justice Across Borders The Struggle for Human Rights in U S Courts Cambridge University Press p 99 ISBN 978 1139472456 CIA Admits Involvement in Chile ABC News Dinges John 2005 The Condor Years How Pinochet And His Allies Brought Terrorism To Three Continents The New Press p 20 ISBN 978 1565849778 Andersen Martin Edwin March 4 2016 How Much Did the US Know About the Kidnapping Torture and Murder of Over 20 000 People in Argentina The Nation Osorio Carlos Costar Kathleen eds August 27 2004 Kissinger to the Argentine Generals in 1976 If There Are Things That Have To Be Done You Should Do Them Quickly National Security Archive Retrieved November 25 2011 Campbell Duncan December 5 2003 Kissinger Approved Argentinian Dirty War The Guardian Retrieved February 13 2016 Blakeley Ruth 2009 State Terrorism and Neoliberalism The North in the South Routledge pp 96 97 ISBN 978 0415686174 https web archive org web 20180612142254 http www worldaffairsjournal org blogs juan de onis Archived from the original on June 12 2018 Retrieved March 14 2020 Missing or empty title help a b Andersen Martin Edwin October 31 1987 Kissinger and The Dirty War PDF The Nation Retrieved December 2 2017 Oral History of Harry W Shlaudeman Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training PDF Navasky Victor 2005 A matter of opinion 1st ed New York Farrar Straus and Giroux p 298 ISBN 0374299978 OCLC 56615627 Goni Uki August 9 2016 Kissinger hindered US effort to end mass killings in Argentina according to files The Guardian Retrieved August 10 2016 Smith Ian Douglas 2001 Bitter Harvest The Great Betrayal and the Dreadful Aftermath London Blake Publishing ISBN 978 1 903402 05 4 OCLC 1676807 Burr William Evans Michael L eds December 6 2001 Ford Kissinger and the Indonesian Invasion 1975 76 National Security Archive Retrieved February 13 2016 Ford and Kissinger Gave Green Light to Indonesia s Invasion of East Timor 1975 New Documents Detail Conversations with Suharto Agence France Press US Endorsed Indonesia s East Timor Invasion Secret Documents December 6 2001 Kiernan Ben 2007 Genocide and resistance in Southeast Asia documentation denial amp justice in Cambodia amp East Timor 2nd pr ed New Brunswick NJ u a Transaction Publ p 281 ISBN 978 1412806695 Henry Kissinger considered Cuba air strikes in 1976 BBC News Garcia Felipe Ilde 2001 Sahara Occidental Timor Oriental Gemelos hacia la paz PDF Aldaba 306 a b Mundy Jacob 2017 The Geopolitical Functions of the Western Sahara Conflict US Hegemony Moroccan Stability and Sahrawi Strategies of Resistance Global Regional and Local Dimensions of Western Sahara s Protracted Decolonization In Ojeda Garcia R ed Global Regional and Local Dimensions of Western Sahara s Protracted Decolonization pp 59 60 doi 10 1057 978 1 349 95035 5 3 400 sign petition against offering Kissinger faculty post Columbia Spectator March 3 1977 Anthony Lewis of the Times also blasts former Secretary Columbia Spectator March 3 1977 CSIS CSIS 2007 Retrieved January 20 2007 Council of the Americas Member Council of the Americas Archived from the original on February 23 2007 Retrieved January 5 2007 Sun Times Media Group Inc 10 K A United States Securities and Exchange Commission May 1 2006 Retrieved December 29 2006 Gulfstream Aerospace Corp Form 10 K United States Securities and Exchange Commission March 29 1999 Retrieved December 29 2006 Soley Lawrence C 1992 The News Shapers The Sources who Explain the News Greenwood Publishing Group p Freeport McMoran Inc 10 K United States Securities and Exchange Commission March 31 1994 Retrieved December 29 2006 Wenn Stephen Barney Robert Martyn Scott 2011 Tarnished Rings The International Olympic Committee and the Salt Lake City Bid Scandal Syracuse Syracuse University Press pp 94 111 118 123 124 159 Council of the Americas Member Council of the Americas Archived from the original on May 16 2011 Retrieved May 3 2011 Investigating Sept 11 Pbs org October 24 2012 Retrieved February 15 2014 Kissinger resigns as head of 9 11 commission CNN Inside Politics CNN December 13 2002 Archived from the original on April 27 2006 Retrieved August 7 2006 Garnaut John March 27 2015 Henry Kissinger paid 5m to steer Rio Tinto through Stern Hu debacle and consolidate China links The Sydney Morning Herald Fairfax Media Retrieved July 6 2018 Trump Holds Meetings With Haley Kissinger and Sessions ABC News November 17 2016 Retrieved November 17 2016 Russian government releases photos of Oval Office meeting Time Magazine May 10 2017 Archived from the original on May 11 2017 Henry Kissinger former secretary of state shares his thoughts on resolving the North Korea crisis the U S relationship with China and Donald Trump August 17 2017 Henry Kissinger on Russian election interference Aug 17 2017 Charlie Rose Web Extra Charlie Rose A panel on the crisis in Bosnia charlierose com November 28 1994 Archived from the original on June 28 2009 Retrieved October 16 2009 a b Charlie Rose An interview with Henry Kissinger charlierose com September 14 1995 Archived from the original on June 27 2009 Retrieved October 16 2009 Charlie Rose An hour with former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger charlierose com April 12 1999 Archived from the original on June 28 2009 Retrieved October 16 2009 Bob Woodward Bush Misleads On Iraq CBS News October 1 2006 Archived from the original on October 19 2017 Retrieved December 29 2006 Woodward Bob October 1 2006 Secret Reports Dispute White House Optimism The Washington Post p A01 Retrieved December 29 2006 Kissinger Henry A August 12 2005 Lessons for an Exit Strategy The Washington Post p A19 Retrieved December 29 2006 Marr Andrew November 19 2006 US Policy on Iraq Sunday AM BBC Retrieved December 29 2006 Kissinger Henry A August 11 2002 Iraq is Becoming Bush s Most Difficult Challenge Chicago Tribune Retrieved February 13 2016 a b Robinson Peter M April 3 2008 Kissinger on War amp More Hoover Institution Archived from the original on January 25 2012 Retrieved August 10 2009 Juan Williams August 12 2008 Pioneers of U S China Relations Attend Olympics NPR Retrieved May 28 2012 Among the political luminaries attending the Beijing Olympics are Henry Kissinger and former President George H W Bush Kissinger against Politicizing Olympics Xinhua News Agency April 9 2008 Highlights of the AAP Sports Wire at 15 08 Aug 5 2008 AAP Sports News Wire Sydney August 5 2008 MartinZhou Martin Millions of Eyes on Clash of Titans South China Morning Post August 11 2008 3 Myers Steven Lee Bush Mixes Sports Diplomacy in China Times Colonist Victoria BC August 11 2008 Friedberg Aaron July 13 2011 The Unrealistic Realist The New Republic Retrieved July 22 2011 Kissinger Henry 2011 On China United States Penguin Press ISBN 978 1594202711 Kissinger Henry September 9 2014 World Order United States Penguin Books Limited ISBN 978 0241004272 Luce Edward July 20 2018 Henry Kissinger We are in a very very grave period Financial Times Retrieved October 4 2018 Kissinger Warns Biden of U S China Catastrophe on Scale of WWI Bloomberg com November 16 2020 Retrieved March 22 2021 DeCambre Mark Kissinger says failure to mend U S China trade relations would be worse than the world wars that ruined European civilization MarketWatch Retrieved March 22 2021 Kissinger backs direct U S negotiations with Iran The Tehran Times September 27 2008 Retrieved September 27 2008 Transcript of a Bloomberg reportinterview Khan Shehab August 7 2017 Henry Kissinger warns destroying Isis could lead to Iranian radical empire The Independent Retrieved November 19 2018 Kissinger To Prevent Regional Explosion US Must Thwart Iranian Expansionism The Algemeiner November 11 2016 Retrieved August 8 2017 a b Henry A Kissinger March 5 2014 Henry Kissinger To settle the Ukraine crisis start at the end The Washington Post Charlie Rose PBS September 2014 Charlie Rose reported in Bloomberg BusinessWeek p 20 October 2 2014 Buncombe Andrew December 27 2016 Henry Kissinger has advised Donald Trump to accept Crimea as part of Russia The Independent New York Retrieved December 28 2016 Kissinger advises Trump to accept Crimea as Russia Bild Ukraine Today December 27 2016 Retrieved December 28 2016 a b Artificial intelligence and war The Economist September 5 2019 Retrieved January 3 2020 a b The Metamorphosis The Atlantic August 2019 Retrieved January 3 2020 Henry Kissinger Off Duty Time February 7 1972 O Connell Loraine December 26 2001 Authors Men s power is sexy women s suspect Retrieved March 23 2016 Fareed Zakaria GPS Islamic Infighting Iran versus Saudi Arabia Inside the Oil Kingdom Kim Jong Un s Quest for the H Bomb Interview with Niall Ferguson Interview with Gary Kasparov CNN January 10 2016 Retrieved February 13 2016 Warrant Sought for the Arrest of Henry Kissinger Archived from the original on September 13 2015 Retrieved December 5 2015 Why the law wants a word with Kissinger Fairfax Digital April 30 2002 Hitchens Christopher December 13 2010 How Can Anyone Defend Kissinger Now Slate Retrieved January 8 2016 Hitchens Christopher November 27 2002 The Latest Kissinger Outrage Slate Archived from the original on January 1 2016 Retrieved November 25 2011 Show us the papers Hitchens New Statesman Archived from the original on March 13 2012 Retrieved November 25 2011 Hitchens Christopher December 14 2010 Latest Nixon Tape Buries Kissinger s Reputation National Post Retrieved December 3 2020 Hughes Ken 2015 Fatal Politics The Nixon Tapes the Vietnam War and the Casualties of Reelection University of Virginia Press p 118 ISBN 978 0 8139 3803 5 Hughes 2015 p 118 Hughes 2015 pp 123 124 Richard Nixon and Henry A Kissinger on 6 October 1972 Presidential Recordings Digital Edition University of Virginia Retrieved September 1 2020 Hughes 2015 p 126 Kadura Johannes 2016 The War After the War The Struggle for Credibility During America s Exit From Vietnam Cornell University Press pp 4 153 ISBN 978 0801453960 Chozick Amy February 12 2016 Hillary Clinton s Ties to Henry Kissinger Come Back to Haunt Her The New York Times Henry Kissinger Hillary Clinton s Tutor in War and Peace The Nation Praise for Hillary Clinton Correct the Record Retrieved February 13 2016 Philip Bump February 12 2016 Why Bernie Sanders sees Henry Kissinger s controversial history as an asset The Washington Post Henry Kissinger Fast Facts CNN May 12 2017 Schlessinger Bernard S Schlessinger June H September 1 1986 The Who s who of Nobel Prize winners Oryx Press ISBN 9780897741934 via Google Books NBC Universal Television Studio Co President David Kissinger Joins Conaco Productions as New President Press release NBC Universal Television Studio May 25 2005 Games amp Puzzles magazine May 1973 The Five Most Influential People in American Soccer American Soccer Now Daryl Grove February 18 2013 Kissinger takes post as NASL chairman The Victoria Advocate October 5 1978 Archived from the original on May 18 2016 Retrieved March 21 2010 Der beruhmteste Fan Henry A Kissinger Reisender in Sachen Weltpolitik The most famous supporter Henry A Kissinger Traveller in the realm of world politics Kleeblatt Chronik de in German Archived from the original on October 12 2017 Retrieved February 25 2012 Uli Hesse Go Furth and conquer ESPN FC February 17 2012 Retrieved February 15 2014 Kissinger keeps promise to attend Greuther Fuerth game Archived from the original on September 19 2012 National Winners public service awards Jefferson Awards org Archived from the original on November 24 2010 Retrieved February 15 2014 Sandra Crockett January 4 1996 Halem Globetrotters still inspire hoop screams The Baltimore Sun Harlem Globetrotters History Harlem Globetrotters Archived from the original on May 5 2014 Retrieved May 5 2014 a b National Book Awards 1980 National Book Foundation Retrieved March 16 2012 Kissinger Henry Alfred dead link in Who s Who in the Twentieth Century Oxford University Press 1999 Sylvanus Thayer Award Recipients West Point Association of Graduates Retrieved May 5 2014 International Olympic Committee Mr Henry Kissinger Retrieved February 20 2014 Founding Council The Rothermere American Institute Rothermere American Institute Archived from the original on November 17 2012 Retrieved November 22 2012 Lifetime Trustees The Aspen Institute Retrieved October 16 2009 Atlantic Council Board of Directors Atlantic Council Western Issues Aired The Washington Post April 24 1978 The three day 26th Bilderberg Meeting concluded at a secluded cluster of shingled buildings in what was once a farmer s field Zbigniew Brzezinski President Carter s national security adviser Swedish Prime Minister Thorbjorrn Falldin former secretary of state Henry Kissinger and NATO Commander Alexander M Haig Jr were among 104 North American and European leaders at the conference Bilderberg 2011 list of participants BilderbergMeetings org Archived from the original on August 28 2011 Retrieved August 24 2011 A Guide to the Bohemian Grove Vanity Fair April 1 2009 Retrieved April 18 2009 History of CFR Council on Foreign Relations cfr org Retrieved October 16 2009 Gaouette Nicole Henry A Kissinger Center for Strategic and International Studies Retrieved February 15 2014 Dobelli Rolf Henry Kissinger uber die USA China und die Zukunft der Welt Neue Zurcher Zeitung in German Retrieved May 21 2021 WORLD MINDS Retrieved May 21 2021 Theranos is getting rid of high profile board members including Henry Kissinger and George Shultz Business Insider December 1 2016 Retrieved October 24 2017 Pflanzer Lydia Ramsey How Elizabeth Holmes convinced powerful men like Henry Kissinger James Mattis and George Shultz to sit on the board of now disgraced blood testing startup Theranos Business Insider Retrieved May 17 2021 Bloomberg New Economy Advisory Board Retrieved July 23 2019 Sources Isaacson Walter 1992 Kissinger A Biography Simon amp Schuster ISBN 978 0 671 66323 0 Karnow Stanley 1983 Vietnam A History Viking ISBN 0 1400 7324 8 Lacey Robert 1981 The Kingdom Harcourt Brace Jovanovich ISBN 0151472602 Zonis Marvin 1991 Majestic Failure University of Chicago Press ISBN 0 226 98928 3 Further readingBiographies 1973 Graubard Stephen Richards Kissinger Portrait of a Mind ISBN 0 393 05481 0 1974 Kalb Marvin L and Kalb Bernard Kissinger ISBN 0 316 48221 8 1974 Schlafly Phyllis Kissinger on the Couch Arlington House Publishers ISBN 0 87000 216 3 1983 Hersh Seymour The Price of Power Kissinger in the Nixon White House Summit Books ISBN 0 671 50688 9 Awards National Book Critics Circle General Non Fiction Award Best Book of the Year New York Times Book Review Newsweek San Francisco Chronicle 2004 Hanhimaki Jussi The Flawed Architect Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy ISBN 0 19 517221 3 2009 Kurz Evi The Kissinger Saga Walter and Henry Kissinger Two Brothers from Fuerth Germany London Weidenfeld amp Nicolson ISBN 978 0 297 85675 7 2015 Ferguson Niall 2015 Kissinger 1923 1968 The Idealist New York Penguin Books ISBN 9781594206535 2020 Runciman David Don t be a Kerensky review of Barry Gewen The Inevitability of Tragedy Henry Kissinger and His World Norton April 2020 ISBN 978 1 324 00405 9 452 pp and Thomas Schwartz Henry Kissinger and American Power A Political Biography Hill and Wang September 2020 ISBN 978 0 8090 9537 7 548 pp London Review of Books vol 42 no 23 December 3 2020 pp 13 16 18 Kissinger was a political opportunist doing his best to keep one step ahead of the people determined to bring him down Unelected unaccountable never really representing anyone but himself he rose so high and resided so long in America s political consciousness because his shapeshifting allowed people to find in him what they wanted to find p 18 Other Avner Yehuda The Prime Ministers An Intimate Narrative of Israeli Leadership 2010 ISBN 978 1 59264 278 6 Bass Gary The Blood Telegram Nixon Kissinger and a Forgotten Genocide 2013 ISBN 03077002080 Benedetti Amedeo Lezioni di politica di Henry Kissinger linguaggio pensiero ed aforismi del piu abile politico di fine Novecento Genova Erga 2005 in Italian ISBN 88 8163 391 4 Berman Larry No peace no honor Nixon Kissinger and Betrayal in Vietnam New York Free Press 2001 ISBN 0 684 84968 2 Dallek Robert Nixon and Kissinger Partners in Power HarperCollins 2007 ISBN 0 06 072230 4 Graebner Norman A Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy A Contemporary Appraisal Conspectus of History 1 2 1975 Grandin Greg Kissinger s Shadow The Long Reach of America s Most Controversial Statesman Metropolitan Books 2015 ISBN 978 1627794497 Groth Alexander J Henry Kissinger and the Limits of Realpolitik in Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs V I 2011 Hanhimaki Jussi M Dr Kissinger or Mr Henry Kissingerology Thirty Years and Counting in Diplomatic History Vol 27 Issue 5 pp 637 76 Hanhimaki Jussi The Flawed Architect Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy 2004 online Keys Barbara Henry Kissinger The Emotional Statesman in Diplomatic History Vol 35 Issue 4 pp 587 609 https onlinelibrary wiley com doi abs 10 1111 j 1467 7709 2011 00968 x Hitchens Christopher The Trial of Henry Kissinger 2002 ISBN 1 85984 631 9 Klitzing Holger The Nemesis of Stability Henry A Kissinger s Ambivalent Relationship with Germany Trier WVT 2007 ISBN 3 88476 942 1 Mohan Shannon E Memorandum for Mr Bundy Henry Kissinger as Consultant to the Kennedy National Security Council Historian 71 2 2009 234 257 Morris Roger Uncertain Greatness Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy Harper and Row ISBN 0 06 013097 0 Qureshi Lubna Z Nixon Kissinger and Allende U S Involvement in the 1973 Coup in Chile Lexington Books 2009 ISBN 0739126563 Schmidt Helmut On Men and Power A Political Memoir 1990 ISBN 0 224 02715 8 Schulzinger Robert D Henry Kissinger Doctor of Diplomacy New York Columbia University Press 1989 ISBN 0 231 06952 9 Shawcross William Sideshow Kissinger Nixon and the Destruction of Cambodia Revised edition October 2002 ISBN 0 8154 1224 X Suri Jeremi Henry Kissinger and the American Century Harvard Belknap Press 2007 ISBN 978 0 674 02579 0 Thornton Richard C The Nixon Kissinger Years Reshaping America s Foreign Policy 2001 onlineExternal linksWikimedia Commons has media related to Henry Kissinger Wikiquote has quotations related to Henry KissingerWikisource has original works written by or about Henry KissingerOfficial website Henry Kissinger at IMDb Appearances on C SPAN Membership at the Council on Foreign Relations Henry Kissinger on Nobelprize org Political officesPreceded by Walt Rostow United States National Security Advisor 1969 1975 Succeeded by Brent ScowcroftPreceded by William Rogers United States Secretary of State 1973 1977 Succeeded by Cyrus VanceAcademic officesPreceded by Margaret Thatcher Chancellor of the College of William amp Mary 2000 2005 Succeeded by Sandra Day O ConnorRetrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Henry Kissinger amp oldid 1037935571, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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